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BY COMMAND OF 


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April 1823. 




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LIST OF PAPERS. 


Class A. 


VERONA AND PARIS. 


No. Pagej 

1. The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Paris, September 21, 1822 — 1 

2. Mr. Secretary Canning to the Duke of Wellington.—Foreign Office, September 27> 1822 2 

3. The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Verona, October 22, 1822 — ibid. 

Inclosure.—Questions by the French Plenipotentiary to the Plenipotentiaries of 
Austria, Russia, Prussia, and Great Britain.—Verona, October 20, 1822 — —. 

Translation of ditto — — — — —* 3 

4. The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Verona, November 5, 1822 — ibid. 

Inclosure.—Memorandum.—Answer of the Duke of Wellington to the Questions of 
the French Plenipotentiary.—Verona, October 30, 1822 — — —- 

5. The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Verona, November 12> 1822 — 5 

Inclosure.—Memorandum.—Verona, November 12, 1822 — — 6 

6. The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Verona, November 22, 1822 — ibid. 

Inclosure.—Minute.—Verona, November 20, 1822 — — — 7 

7. MV. Secretary Canning to the Duke of Wellington.—Foreign Office, December 6, 1822 9 

Inclosure.—Extract of a Despatch from M. de San Miguel to the Chevalier de 
Colomb.—Madrid, November 15, 1822 — — — — 9 

Translation of ditto — — — — — 10 

8. The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Paris, December 9, 1822 — 12 

9. Mr. Secretary Canning to the Duke of Wellington.—Foreign Office, December 13, 1822 ibid. 

10. The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Paris, December 17, 1822 — — 

Inclosure.—The Duke of Wellington to M. de Montmorency.—Paris Decem¬ 
ber 17, 1S22 — — — — — — 13 

11. Note from The Duke de Montmorency to the Duke of Wellington.—Paris, Decem¬ 

ber 26, 1822 — — — — — — ibid. 

Translation of ditto — — — — — 14 

12. Mr. Secretary Canning to The Vicomte de Marcellus.—Foreign Office, January 

10, 1823 — — — — — 15 

13. The Vicomte de Chateaubriand to Mr. Secretary Canning —Paris, January 23, 1823 — 17 

Translation of ditto — — — — — 20 

14. Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir Charles Stuart.— Foreign Office, January 28, 1823 — 23 


\ 

\l 










Class B 


PA11IS AND MADRID. 


No. 

1. 

2 . 

2 

4. 

5. 

6 . 

7. 

8 . 
9. 


10 . 

11 . 

12 . 

13. 

14 . 

15. 

16 . 


17. 

18 * 

19. 

20 . 
2,J. 
22 ; 
23. 
24; 

25. 

26. 

27. 

28. 

29. 

30. 

31. 

32. 

33. 
■34. 
35. 
36;. 
37. 
38.. 

39. > 

40. 

41. 

42. 

43. 


Page. 

Mr. Secretary Canning, to Sir WiUiam k Court.—Foreign. Office, December 3, 1822 25 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court.—Foreign Office, December 9, 1822 ibid. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court.—Foreign Office, December 9, 1822 — 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court.—Foreign Office, December 17, 1822 26 

Mr. Secretary Canning to, Sin William.» Court.—Foreign Office, December 28, 1822 ibid. 
Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William & Court.—Foreign Office, December 29, 1822 — 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court.—Foreign Office, December 29, 1822 27 

Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning. —Madrid, December 24, 1822 — 28 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Lord Fitzroy Somerset.—Foreign Office, January 6, 1823 ibid. 
Inclosure.—Memorandum by the, Duke of Wellington, for Lord Fitzroy Somer¬ 
set.—London, January 6, 1823 — — — — 29 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court.—Foreign Office, January 6, 1823 — 31 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William 5 Court.—Foreign Office, January 9, 1823 — ibid. 

Sir William a Court to Mr Secretary Canning.—Madrid, December 26, 1822 — 32 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court.—Foreign Office, January 11, 1823 — 33 
Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Madrid, January 7, 1823 — 34 

Sir William 5. Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Madrid, January 10, 1823 — 35 

Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Madrid, January 12, 1823 — 36 

Inclosure.—M. de San Miguel to Sir William st Court.— Madrid, January 12,. 1823 ibid. 
Translrttion.of ditto.*— — — — — — 38 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir Charles Stuart.—Foreign Office, January 24, 1823 — 39 

Sir William tbCourt to>Mr. Secretary Canning.—Madrid, January 15, 1823 — 41 

Sir Charles. Stuart to.Mr. Secretary Canning*—Paris, January 23, 1823 — ibid. 

Mr. Secretary, Canning to Sir William k Court.—Foreign Office, January 26, 1823 — — 

43 

— ibid. 

— 44 

—*■' ibidt 

— 47 

— ibid. 

— 49 

— 50 

— ibid. 

— 51 

— 52 ; 

— 53 

— ibid. 

— 54 

— ibid. 

— 55 

— ibid. 

— 56 

— ibid. 


Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court.—Foreign Office, January 28, 1823 
Sir Charles Stuartto Mr. Secretary Canning. —Paris, January 28, 1823 
Sir Gharles.Stuart to Ml . Secretary Canning.— Paris, January 28, 1823 — 

Slf Charles Stuart to Mr. Secretary Canning.— Palis, January 30, 1823 —* 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir Charles Stuart.—Foreign Office, February 3, 1S23 
Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Madrid, January 21, 1823 
Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court.—Foreign Office, February 9* 1823 
Lord Fitzroy Somerset to Mr, Secretary Canning.—Madrid, January 25, 1823 
Sir Charles Stuart to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Paris, February 10, 1823 
Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning, Madrid, January 27, 1623 
Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Madrid, February-4, 1823* 

Sir William a. Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Madrid, February 7, 1823 
Sir Charles Stuart to Mr* Sccretary^Cann-ing.—Paris, February 21, 1823 
Sir William, a Court to Mr: Secretary Canning.—Madrid, February 16, 1823 

Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Mfcdrid, February 18, 1823 

Sir . William a Court to Mr* Secretary Canning.—Madrid, February 19, 1823' 

Sir William a Court to Mr* Secretary Canning.—Madrid, February 20, 1823 

Sir Charles Stuart to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Paris, March 6, 1823 — 

Sk'rWilliam a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Madrid, February 23, 1823 
Si?;William,a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Madrid, March 5, 1823 
Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Cauning.—Madrid, March s9, 1823. 

Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Caniiing.— Madrid, March 11; 1823 
Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir Charles Stuart.—Foreign Office; March 31, 1823 





Class A, 


VERONA AND PARIS, 


No. 1. 

The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received Sep¬ 
tember 24. 

(Extract.) Paris , September 21, 1822. 

I HAD a long discussion with Monsieur de Villele yesterday, on the 
relations of this Government with Spain. 

It appears, that for a considerable time past, I believe since the alarm of 
infectious fever in Spain, the French Government have been collecting troops 
in the southern departments of France. They have not, however, on the im¬ 
mediate frontier, a larger body of men than are sufficient for the performance 
of the duties of the “Cordon Sanitaire,” so long as that precaution is necessary, 
in consequence of the prevalence of the fever in the neighbouring provinces 
of Spain ; or than can fairly be deemed necessary for the purposes of Observa¬ 
tion of a country which is the seat of a civil war, and for the protection of the 
French frontier from insult, by the different parties in operation immediately, 
on the borders. 

M. de Villele said, that the assembly of the Congress at the present moment, 
was not a matter of indifference, in relation to the situation of affairs in Spain, 
or to that in which the two Countries stood towards each other. There was 
no doubt that expectations were formed respecting the result of the delibera¬ 
tions of the Congress on the affairs of Spain, as well in Spain as elsewhere; 
and that if the Congress were to separate, and to come to no decision on those 
affairs, it was probable that the existing evils would be greatly aggravated, and 
that the two countries might be forced into a War. 

Monsieur de Villele wished that the Congress should take into consideration 
the.actual position of the French Government in relation to Spain, and the 
hypothesis under which they might be forced into a War; and that the four 
other Powers of the Alliance should declare what line they would each take, 
in case of the occurrence of any of the events which they conceived would 
force them to War. I told Monsieur de Villele that it would be quite impos¬ 
sibles'for" us to declare beforehand what would be our conduct upon any 
hypothetical case. 

” I should wish to receive His Majesty’s Instructions what line I shall take, 
and what arguments I shall use, in case the French Government should make 
the proposition at the Congress, which M. de Villele has made to me, respect¬ 
ing a declaration by the Allies. 


JJ 







2 


No. 2. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to the Duke of Wellington. 

(Extract.) Foreign Office , September 1822. 

IF there be a determined project to interfere by force or by menace in 
the present struggle in Spain, so convinced are His Majesty’s Government of 
the uselessness and danger of any such interference—so objectionable does it 
appear to them in principle, as well as utterly impracticable in execution, 
that when the necessity arises, or (I would rather say) when the opportunity 
offers, I am to instruct your Grace at once frankly and peremptorily to 
declare, that to any such interference, come what may, His Majesty will not 
be a Party. 


No. 3. 

The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received October 31. 

(Extract.) Verona , October 22, 1822. 

WE had a conference on Sunday night, at which the French Minister, M. 
de Montmorency read a Paper of which I inclose a Copy. 

I imagine that each of the Ministers will answer this Paper. In my answer, 
I shall review our line of conduct since April 1820; and shall decline to 
engage ourselves to adopt any measure beforehand, or till we shall have a full 
knowledge of all the circumstances which have occurred between the two 
countries. I propose, besides, to point out, that, considering the relative posi¬ 
tion of France and Spain, it is not probable that Spain will declare against 
them ; if they explain, as they ought, the meaning and object of their Corps 
of Observation, and make some allowance for the state of effervescence of 
men’s minds in Spain in a state of revolution and civil war. 


(Inclosure in JVo. 3.) 

Questions addressed by the French Plenipotentiary to the Plenipotentiaries 
of Austria , Russia , Prussia } and Great Britain. 

a Veronese 20 me Octobre 1822. 

1. DANS le cas, oil la France se verroit forc4e de rappeler de Madrid le 
Ministre qu’Elle y a accredit^, et de rompre toute relation diplomatique avec 
1’Espagne, les Hautes Cours seront-elles disposees a prendre une mesure sem- 
blable et a rappeler leurs propres Legations ? 

2. Si la guerre doit ^clater entre la France et l’Espagne, sous quelle forme, 
et par quels actes, Les Hautes Puissances preteront-Elles a la France l’appui 
moral qui doit donner a son action la force de 1’Alliance, et inspirer un salu- 
taire effroi aux R^volutionaires de tous les pays? 

3. Quelle est enfin l’intention des Hautes Puissances, quant au fond et a la 
forme du secours materiel qu’Elles seroient disposes a donner a la France, dans 
le cas, oil, sur sa demande, leur intervention active diviendrait necessaire ( 






3 


(Translation of Inclosure in No. 3 .) 

■Questions addressed by the French Plenipotentiary to the Plenipotentiaries 
of Austria, Prussia, Russia, and Great Britain. 

Verona, October 20, 1822. 

1. IN case France should find Herself under the necessity of recalling her 
Minister from Madrid, and of breaking off all diplomatick relations with 
Spain, will the High Courts be disposed to adopt the like measures, and to 
recall their respective Missions ? 

2. Should War break out between France and Spain, under what form and 
by what acts would the High Powers afford to France, that moral support 
which would give to Her measures the weight and authority of the Alliance, 
and inspire into a salutary dread the Revolutionists of all Countries ? 

3. What, in short, is the intention of the High Powers as to the extent and 
the form of the effective assistance, ( u secours matdriel,”) which They would 
be disposed to give to France, in case active Interference should, on her demand, 
become necessary. 


No. 4 

The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received 
November 14. 


(Extract.) Verona, November 5, 1822. 

PRINCE METTERNICH called together a Conference of the five Cabi¬ 
net Ministers on Wednesday evening, at which were delivered in answers to 
the Demands of the French Minister of the 20th ultimo, from the Russian, 
Austrian and Prussian Ministers; and that from myself, a Copy of which I 
inclose. 


I Inclosure in No. 4.) 

MEMORANDUM. 

Answer of The Duke of Wellington to the Questions of the French 

Plenipotentiary . 

Verona, October 30, 1822. 

SINCE the month of April 1820, the British Government have availed 
themselves of every opportunity of recommending to His Majesty’s Allies to 
abstain from all interference in the internal affairs of Spain. 

Without adverting to those principles which His Majesty’s Government 
must always consider the rule of their conduct, in relation to the internal 
affairs of other Countries, they considered that to whatever degree either the 
origin of the Spanish Revolution, the system then established, or the conduct 
of those who have since had the management of the internal affairs of Spain 
might be disapproved of, any amelioration which might be desired in the 
Spanish System, for the sake of Spain herself, ought to be sought for in mea - 




4 


sures to he adopted in Spain, rather than abroad; and particularly in the 
confidence which the people should be taught to feel in the character and 
measures of the King. 

They considered that an interference, with a view to assist the Monarch on 
the Throne, to overturn that which had been settled, and which he had gua¬ 
ranteed, or to promote the establishment of any other form of Government or 
Constitution, particularly by force, would only place that Monarch in a false 
position, and prevent him from looking to the internal means of amelioration 
which, might be within his reach. 

Such an interference always appeared to the British Government an unne* 
cessary assumption of responsibility ; which, considering all the circum¬ 
stances, must expose the King ot Spain to danger, and the Power or Powers 
which should interfere, to obloquy, certain risks, and possible disasters; to 
enormous expences, and final disappointment in producing any result. 

Upon these principles Ilis Majesty has advised His Allies, and has acted 
Himself, from the month of April 1820, to the present day. 

The Protocols and other Acts of the Congress at Aix la Chapelle, which 
established the union at present existing between the Five Powers, so happily 
for the World, require the most unlimited confidence and communication on 
the part of each ; and accordingly, His Majesty has never failed to communi¬ 
cate to His Allies, and particularly to France, every instruction which He 
has sent to his Minister at Madrid ; and all the communications made by His 
Majesty’s commands to the Minister of Spain residing in London :—all in 
the same spirit of good will towards the King of Spain and the Spanish 
Nation. 

It is impossible to look at the existing relations between France and Spain, 
adverting to what has passed from the commencement of the year 1S20, to 
the present moment, without being sensible of the unfortunately false position 
in which the King of Spain is placed; and that the spirit of party in both 
Countries, having aggravated the national antipathy which antecedent cir¬ 
cumstances had occasioned, is in a great measure the cause of the unfortunate 
irritation in Spain against France, to which 'his Excellency the Minister of 
France has adverted. The great object of Mis Majesty’s foreign Policy is 
to preserve Peace among Nations; He feels the most anxious interest for tire 
happiness ot His Catholick Majesty, and the honour of his Government; and 
it would be His sincere desire to allay that irritation. 

But the British Government cannot but feel, that to make any declaration 
on any of the three points referred to by bis Excellency, without a previous 
accurate knowledge of all the circumstances which have occurred between the 
two Countries, would be not only premature and unjust, but would probably 
be unavailing; and would in fact deprive His Majesty of the power ot dis¬ 
cussing and deciding upon the measures of His own Government in this 
affair hereafter, when he should be better informed. His Majesty must 
either place himself in this painful position, or He must do, what would be 
equally .painful to his feelings, require from His august Friend and Ally the 
King of France, that lie should submit his conduct to the advice and controul 
ot His Majesty. 

His Majesty’s Government cannot think either alternative to be necessary ; 
but arc of opinion that a review of the obvious circumstances of the situation; 
of France, as well as Spain, will show, that whatever may be the tone 
assumed towards France by the ruling Powers in Spain, they are not in a 
state to carry into execution any plan of real hostility. 

Considering that a Civil War exists in the whole extent of the Frontier, 
which separates the two Kingdoms; that hostile Armies are in movement 
and in operation in every part of it; and that there is not a town or village 
on the French Frontier which .is not liable to insult and injury,—there is no. 


5 


person who must not approve of the precaution which His Most Christian 
Majesty has taken in forming a corps of Observation for the protection of his 
Frontier, and for the preservation.of the,tranquillity of his people. 

His Britannick Majesty sincerely wishes that this measure may be effectual 
in attaining the objects for which it is calculated ; and that the wisdom of the 
French Government will have induced them to explain it at Madrid, in such 
terms as will satisfy the Government of His Catholic Majesty of its necessity. 

Such an explanation will, it is hoped, tend to allay in some degree the 
irritation against France ; and, on the other hand, it may be hoped that some 
allowance will he made in France for the state of effervescence of men’s minds 
in Spain, in the very crisis of a Revolution and Civil War. 

A moment’s reflection upon the relative power of the two States will show,, 
that the real evil to which His Most Christian Majesty is exposed, is that 
resulting from the operations of the Civil War on the neighbouring frontier 
of Spain ; against which the measure which His Government have adopted 
is best calculated to preserve Him. 

Even revolutionary madness could not calculate upon the success of a seri¬ 
ous attack by Spain upon France, under any circumstances which it is possible 
to suppose to exist at present in the latter Kingdom.—But the attention of 
the Spanish Government is now occupied by a Civil War, the operations of 
which certainly justify the formation of a Corps of Observation in France; 
and it is not very probable that they would, at this moment, desire to break 
with France. 

Neither is it to be believed that, in their present situation, they would not 
desire still to enjoy the advantage of that countenance to their system, which 
the presence of the French Ambassador at the seat of Government must 
afford them. 

His Majesty therefore considers any rupture by Spain, or any measure on 
Her part which may render necessary the immediate discontinuance of diplo- 
inatick relations by France, very improbable : and as His Majesty is quite 
unacquainted with what has,passed between France and Spain since the month., 
of April 1820; and Ilis Government cannot know upon what grounds His. 
Most Christian Majesty’s Government may think proper to discontinue the 
diplomatick relations of France with Spain ; or upon what grounds War may 
break out between the two countries ; it is impossible for them now to pro¬ 
nounce what advice they should consider it their duty to give to His Majesty, 
in ease either or both of those events should occur. ; 

His Majesty most anxiously wishes that such extremities may be avoided ; 
and he feels convinced that the Government of His Most Christian Majesty 
will find means of avoiding them. 



No. 5. 

The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received Nov. 21. 

(Extract.) Verona , November 12, 1822. 

I HAVE little to report as having occurred on the Spanish question, since 
I wrote to you on'the 5th inst. 

But I inclose to you a Memorandum on what is passing here, w'hich I 
send to Sir Charles Stuart by this occasion. 

C 



G 


(Inclosure in No. 5.) 

MEMORANDUM. 

Verona, November 12, 1822. 

ON the 20th of October, the French Minister gave in a Paper, requiring 
from the Ministers of the Allies to know, whether, if France should be un¬ 
der the necessity of withdrawing her Minister from Spain, the other Allied 
Powers would do the same? In case France should be involved in war with 
Spain, what countenance the Allies would give the former? And in case 
France should require it, what assistance? 

To these questions the three Continental Allies answered on the 30th of 
October, that they would act as France should, in respect to their Ministers 
in Spain, and would give to France every countenance and assistance She 
should require ;—the cause for such assistance, and the period and the mode 
of giving it, being reserved to be specified in a Treaty. 

The Minister of Great Britain answered, that having no knowledge of the 
cause of dispute, and not being able to form a judgment upon an hypothetical 
case, he could give no answer to any of the questions. 

The mode of communicating with Spain was considered on the 31st, with 
a view to prevent a rupture between France and Spain. It was agreed that 
the Minister of each of the Four Continental Courts at Madrid should pre¬ 
sent a separate Note of the same tenour, and drawn upon the same princi¬ 
ples ; and on the 1st of November it was settled, that the four Courts should 
draw up their Notes and communicate them to the British Minister ; who 
should, upon seeing these Notes, make known the line which his Court 
would take. 

Since that Meeting, it is understood that the plan of proceeding proposed 
and agreed to, has been altered. Instead of Official Notes to be presented by 
the several Ministers at Madrid to the Spanish Government, it is now in¬ 
tended that Despatches shall be written to those Ministers respectively, in 
which the several Courts will express their wishes and intentions: this mode 
of proceeding is adopted, as affording greater latitude for discussion and ex¬ 
planation than that by official Notes. 

Accordingly Monsieur de Montmorency has prepared the draft of his des¬ 
patch ; and it is understood that the Ministers of the Continental Powers are 
preparing theirs. 

These arc the facts which have occurred at the existing Congress. 

In the course of the discussions which have taken place upon this occasion, 
a marked difference of opinion as to the mode of action has appeared between 
the Continental Courts on the one hand, and England on the other. 

The Minister of the latter Power has recommended that France, and the 
Powers which should interfere in this case, should confine themselves to 
what may properly be called the external quarrel between France and Spain ; 
should not menace; and above all should not approach Spain in the form of 
enemies, bound in a Treaty of defensive Alliance against her. 


No. 6. 

The Duke of JVeUington to Air. Secretary Canning.—Received Dec. 6. 

(Extract.) Verona, November 22, 1822. 

I INCLOSE the Minute of the Answer which I returned to the Ministers 
of the Allies on the 20th inst. when they communicated to me the Despatches 
which they proposed to write to .the Ministers of their several Courts at 
Madrid. 



7 


MINUTE. 

(In closure in No. 6.) 

Verona , November 20, 1822. 

WHEN tlic Ministers of the five Courts last assembled on the 1st instant, 
the object of their common solicitude was, to allay the irritation existing in 
Spain against France, and to prevent a possible rupture between the two 
Powers. 

Although His Majesty’s Government did not consider themselves suffi¬ 
ciently informed, either of what had already taken place between France and 
Spain, or of what might occasion a rupture, to be able to answer in the affir¬ 
mative, the questions submitted to the Conference by his Excellency the 
Minister of France ; yet, knowing the anxiety of the King, my Master, for 
the Honour of His Most Christian Majesty, and for the preservation of the 
Peace of the World, I was willing to enter into the consideration of the mea¬ 
sures proposed, with a view to attain our common object. 

It was settled, that the Notes to be prepared according to the proposition 
of his Highness the Austrian Minister, and to be presented to the Spanish 
Government on this occasion, should be communicated to me, in order that 
I might see, w hether, consistently with the view which the King had inva¬ 
riably taken of the affairs of Spain, and with the principles which had governed 
His Majesty’s conduct in relation to the internal concerns of other countries, 
H is Majesty’s Government could take any part which might forward the 
common purpose of preserving the general tranquillity. 

The Ministers of the Allied Courts have thought proper to make known to 
Spain the sentiments of their respective Sovereigns, by Despatches addressed 
to the Ministers of their several Courts, residing at Madrid, instead of by 
Official Notes,—as a mode of communication less formal, and affording greater 
facility of discussion. 

These Despatches, it appears, are to be communicated in extenso to the 
Spanish Government. 

The origin, circumstances, and consequences of the Spanish Revolution,— 
the existing state of affairs in Spain,—and the conduct of those w ho have been 
at the head of the Spanish Government, may have endangered the safety of 
other Countries, and may have excited the uneasiness of the Governments, 
whose Ministers I am now addressing; and those Governments may think it 
necessary to address the Spanish Government upon the topicks referred to in 
these Despatches. 

These sentiments and opinions have certainly been entertained by the three 
Cabinets of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, for a considerable period of time ; 
and the British Government duly appreciates the forbearance and deference 
for the opinions of other Cabinets, w hich have dictated the delay to make 
these communications, to the present moment. But having been delayed till 
now, I would request those Ministers to consider, whether this is the moment 
at which such remonstrances ought to be made; whether they are calculated 
to allay the irritation against France, and to prevent a possible rupture ; and 
whether they might not with advantage be delayed to a later period. 

They are certainly calculated to irritate the Government of Spain ; to afford 
ground for a belief, that advantage has been taken of the irritation existing 
between that Government and France, to call down upon Spain the power of 
the Alliance; and thus to embarrass still more the difficult position of the 
French Government. 

The result of these communications will probably be, that the diplomatick 
relations between the three Allied Courts and Spain w ill be discontinued,— 
whatever may be the state of the Questions between France and Spain : this 


8 


occurrence cannot assist the cause of France; as those Questions will stand 
upon their own ground, and the Government of France must decide them 
upon their own merits. 

But these communications are not'only calculated to embarrass the French 
Government, but likewise that of the King, my Master. His Majesty feels 
sincerely for the King and the People of Spain ; He is anxious to see a termi¬ 
nation ot the evils and misfortunes by which that Country is afflicted; and 
that it should be prosperous and happy. His Majesty likewise earnestly 
desires, that the usual relations of amity and good neighbourhood may he re¬ 
established between France and Spain; and Idis Majesty’s Government would 
have been anxious to co-operate with those of his Allies, in allaying the exist¬ 
ing irritation, and in preventing a possible rupture. 

But His Majesty’s Government are of opinion, that to animadvert upon the 
internal transactions of an Independent State, unless such transactions affect, 
the essential interests of His Majesty’s subjects, is inconsistent with those 
principles on which His Majesty has invariably acted on all questions relating 
to the internal concerns of other Countries; that such animadversions, if 
made, must involve His Majesty in serious responsibility, if they should 
produce any effect; and must irritate, if they should not: and, if addressed, 
as proposed, to the Spanish Government, are likely to be injurious to the best 
interests of Spain, and to produce the worst consequences upon the probable 
discussions between that Country, and France. 

The King’s Government must, therefore, decline to advise His Majesty to 
hold a common language with his Allies upon this occasion : and it is so 
necessary for His Majesty, not to be supposed to participate in a measure of 
this desciiption, and calculated to produce such consequences, that his Govern¬ 
ment must equally refrain from advising His Majesty to direct, that any 
communication should be made to the Spanish Government, on the subject 
of its relations with France. 

His Majesty, therefore, must limit his exertions and good offices, to the 
endeavouis of his Minister at Madrid to allay the ferment which these com¬ 
munications must occasion, and to do all the good in his power. 


No. 7- 

Mr. Secretary Canning to the Duke of Wellington. 


(Extract.) 


Foreign Office , December 6, 1822. 


THE latest date of Your Grace’s despatches from Verona is the 19 th ul¬ 
timo. 

The French Mail due yesterday, has, from some unaccountable accident, 
failed to arrive ; and we are left in an uncertainty, as to every thing that has 
passed at Verona for more than a fortnight. In this state of things, how¬ 
ever difficult it may be to shape instructions to a case not ascertained, it has 
nevertheless been felt by his Majesty’s advisers, that we should be wanting to 
our duty, if we did not submit to His Majesty the course which it would be 
expedient to pursue, in thar which is understood to be the present situation 
of the question of Peace or War between France and Spain. 

M. do Viilele has taken several opportunities of expressing to Sir Charles 
Stuart, his own. earnest desire for the preservation of peace; and his wish to 
receive, not only the support but the advice of the British Government, in 
‘his endeavours to preserve it. 



9 


I have the King’s Commands to signify to your Grace His Majesty’s plea¬ 
sure, that vour Grace should seek a conversation with M. de Vill&le; and, 
after referring to his Excellency’s communications through Sir Charles Stuart, 
should offer to that Minister the Mediation of His Majesty, between their Most 
Christian and Catholick Majesties. 

It will not escape your Grace’s observation, that in order to afford a pros¬ 
pect of success in our Mediation, if France should be willing to employ it, 
there should be some reasonable hope of a similar acceptance on the part of 
Spain. 

I inclose to your Grace an Extract of a Despatch from the Spanish Govern¬ 
ment to its Charge d’Aflaires in London, which was read and delivered to me 
by M. de Colomb in a conference the day before yesterday. 

The remaining part of the Despatch to M. de Colomb (with which I do not 
trouble your Grace on this occasion) relates to the questions pending between 
the two Governments, respecting commercial grievances, and the piracies in 
the West Indian Seas. 


(Inclosure in No. 7.) 


Extract of a Despatch addressed by Mons. de San Miguel, Minister for 
Foreign Affairs at Madrid , to the Chcv. de Colomb, dated November 15, 
1822. 


[Communicated by Monsieur de Colomb to Mr. Secretary Canning Dec. 4, 

1822.] 


EL Gobicrno de S. M. ha recibido con gratitud, pero sin sorpresa, la cont¬ 
ra unicacion tambien verbal, relativa a que el Gabinete de S. M. B. respetando 
la independencia y las instituciones politicas adoptadas por la Nacion, se halla 
decidido d no mezclarse en nuestros negocios domesticos. 

No podia esperarse otra cosa del Gob"- de una Nacion, que como la Brita- 
nica, conoce sus derechos y los principios primordiales del derecho publico ; 
y solo debe admirar que no crea conveniente dar a una declaracion de tan ob- 
via justicia la solemnidad que merece. 

Los Lazos de intima inclinacion, los principios de mutua convcniencia y 
la analogia de las respectivas instituciones que median entre la Espana y la 
Inglaterra ;no son titulos positivos para que la primera, abrumada de dificul- 
tades pueda' esperar de la segunda, cuyo induxo politico cs muy importante, 
algo mas que una simple y abstracta equidad, algo mas que un respeto impa- 
sible de Leyes universales, que una fria e insensible neutralidad ? Y si algun 
interes tierno, qual el que es tan propio de dos Naciones en semejantes circun- 
stancias, se abriga en la Corte de Londres, jcorao es que no se manifiesta en 
actos visibles de interposicion amical para impedir a su Aliada unos males, en 
que simpatiz ; ardn la humanidad, la ilustracion y hasta la precavida y prevee- 
dora razon de Estado, 6 como (si esos actos benevolos existen) no se partiei- 
pan al Gabinete de S. M. Catolica ? 

^ Los actos d que aludo en nada comprometerian el sistema neutral mas 
cstrictamente concebido, los buenos oficios, los consejos, las reflexiones de 
un ami"o cn favor de otro, no lc constituyen en mancomunidad dc agresion y 
dcfcnsa & no le exponen a la enemistad dela otra parte, ya que no merezeau 

D 



10 


tambicn su reconocimiento, mo son en una palabra atixilios efectivos, tropes, 
armas, subsidios que aumentan la fuerza de uno d los adversaries. De la 
razon solo se tratay con la plunra de la conciliacion ee corrto puede sostenerla 
una Poteneia situada qual la Gran Bretana sin exposnerse a tomar parte 
en una guerra que acaso puede prevenir con utilidad general. 

,-Puede obrar de tal suerte la Inglaterra ? Debe pudiendo ? y debiendo 
lq ha executado? Eu las sabias, justas y generosas miras del Gob°- de 
James no cabe mas respuesU que la afirmativa. .^Pues entonces, porque no se 
noticia a la Espaha lo que se ha hecho y loque se piensa hacer en aquel sen- 
tido mediador ? Hay inconvenientes graves que recomienden la discretion, 
que intimen el sigilo ? . . . No aparecen a una perspicacia ordinaria. Como 
quiera en tal incertidumbre de lo que tiene que agradecer al Ministerio Bri- 
tanico, el de S. M. C a * se conceptua en la precision de manifestar a la faz del 
mundo para que el la estime su profesion de fe, que al paso que respeta 
los derechos de los demas, no consentira nunca la tnenor intervencion en sus 
asuntos intcriores, ni hara transaccion que pueda comprometer un apice cl 
libro exercicio de la Soberania Nacional. 

Una vez communicadas por V. S. estas francas declaraciones al Muy 
honble. Jorge Canning, S. E. cuyos talentos, rcctitud, elevacion de animo, son 
notorios a la Europa, no podra menos de hallarlas dignas de su asentimiento 
lisongero tanto en el fondo como en la forma, y de corresponder cordialmente 
al espiritu que las ha dictado, y bastard que V. S. tennine su discurso recor- 
dando a S. E. que la Espaha ha sido casi siempre victim a de su probidad y 
buena fe en sus rclaciones politicas, que su amistad ha sido y es util a los de- 
mas, Naciones y sincera a toda prueba ; que el Gob 0 de S. M. dcsea conserVar 
los vinculos ainistosos que existen entre la Espaha y la Inglaterra, pero sin 
menoscabo, sin degradacion de su decoro ; y que si bien lucha con los em- 
barazos que resultan de sus inmensas progresivas perdidas, cl pueblo Espa- 
hol po&ee siempre sublimidad de sentimientos para conducirse con honor, 
fortaleza de caracter para suportar sus calamidades, y constantia de resolution- 
para mantenerse a costa de los ultimos sacrificios, en el puesto que le corres- 
ponde en la Europa. 


(Translation,) 


Extract of a Despatch addressed by M, Sun Miguel , Minister for' Foflign' 
Affairs at Madrid), to M. de Golomb, dated November 15 , 1B22I 


THE Government of His Majesty has received with gratitude, but 1 with¬ 
out surprise, the verbal communication, purporting.that the Cabinet of His 
Britannick Majesty, respecting.the independence and the political Institutions 
adopted by the [Spanish]] Nation, is determined not to interfere in our domes- 
tiejk affairs; 

Nothing else could be expected from the Government of a Nation w hi dr’ 
like the British, knows its rights and the primordial principles of Public 
Law ; and it is only to be wondered at, that It should not think it expedient 
to^give to a Declaration of such obvious justice* the solemnity which it 
deserves.- 

The ties of-inti mate Regard, the principles of'mutual Convenience and the* 
anak)gy-iof ithe respective Institutions which exist'in 'Spafn and in England,-^ 



11 


do they not positively entitle the former, overwhelmed with difficulties, to 
expect from the latter, whose political Influence is of the greatest weight, 
something more than simple and abstract justice,—something more than a 
passive respect for universal Laws, than a cold and insensible Neutrality? 
And if some tender Interest, such as befits two Nations in similar circum¬ 
stances, exists in the Court of London, how is it that it does not manifest 
itself in visible acts of friendly interposition to save Its Ally from evils, in 
which humanity, wisdom and even cautious and provident State Policy will 
sympathize? Or how is it that (if these benevolent acts exist) they are riot; 
communicated to the Cabinet of His Catholick Majesty ? 

The acts to which I allude, would in no wise compromise the most strictly 
conceived system of Neutrality. Good Offices, Counsels, the reflections of 
one friend in favour of another, do not place a nation in concert of attack or 
defence with another,—do not expose it to the enmity of tlie opposite Party, 
even if they do not deserve its gratitude;—they are not (in a word) effective 
Aid, Troops, Arms, Subsidies, which augment the force of one of the contend¬ 
ing Parties. It is of reason only that we are speaking, anil it is with the pen 
of conciliation that a Power, situated like Great Britain, might support Spain, 
without exposing Herself to take part in a War, which She may perhaps 
prevent with general utility. 

England might act in this manner ; being able, ought She-so to act ? and if 
She ought, has she acted so ? In the wise, just, and generous views of the Go¬ 
vernment of St. James, no other answer can exist than the affirmative. Why 
then (foes she hot notify to Spain what has been done, and what if is proposed 
to do in th .t mediatory sense (en aquel sentido mediador) P Are there 
weighty inconveniences which enjoin discretion, which show the necessity of 
secresy ? They do not appear to an ordinary penetration. 

Nevertheless, in such uncertainty of what She has to thank the British 
Ministry for, the Government of His Catholick Majesty thinks itself bound to 
manifest, in the face of the World', in order that It hi ay regard it as Its profes¬ 
sion of I^aith, that whilst.it respects the Rights of others, It will never admit 
the least intervention in Its internal concerns*, nor execute an Act which may 
compromise in the ieast the free exercise of National Sovereignty. 

When once you shall have communicated 1 these frank Declarations^ to the 
Rjo.ht Honourable George Canning, his Excellency cannot do less than find 
them worthy of his flattering concurrence, as w'elfih'substarice as in form, arid 
must correspond cordially with the spirit which has'dictated them ; and it will 
be sufficient that you should terminate your discourse, by reminding his Ex¬ 
cellency that Spam has been alrriost always, in Her political relations, the Vic¬ 
tim of Her Probity and Good' Faith ; tliatTIfer friendship' has 1 been' arid is 
useful to other Nations* arid sincere under every trial; that the Government of 
His, Malesty is’desirous to preserve'the friendly tics which exist'between Spain 
and'Englaml’ but without the diminution, without the degradation of Its dig¬ 
nity, and that, ifYt "has - to struggle with die embarrassments that result from 
Its immense progressive losses, the Spanish Peopleal way s possesses sublirriity 
of sentiment to conduct Itself with honour, strength of character to support 
Its calamities, and c ;nstan*cy of resolution'to maintain 'Itself in spite of tlitf 
last sacrifices, in the Post which belongs to Pier in Europe. 


12 


No. 8. 

The Duke of TPellington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received 

December 11. 


(Extract.) Paris, December, 9, 1S22 

I ARRIVED here this afternoon, and received your Despatch of the 6th 
inst. 

I have since had an interview with M. de Vill^le; and I have the pleasure 
to inform you, that he has sent a Messenger to Verona with orders to the 
French Ministers at that place, to express the desire of the French Govern¬ 
ment, that the transmission of the Despatches to Madrid should be sus¬ 
pended. 


No. 9. 


Mr. Secretary Canning to the Duke of TFellington. 


(Extract.) Foreign Office, December 13, 1822. 

YOUR Grace’s Despatches of Tuesday have been received and laid befo 
the King. 

The step taken by M. de Vill^le, in referring back to Verona the consi¬ 
deration of the Despatches proposed to be sent, by the three Continental 
Courts to their several Ministers at Madrid, with a view of inducing the three 
Courts to suspend the transmission of those Despatches, undoubtedly con¬ 
stituted a Case (wholly unforeseen when the last instructions of your Govern¬ 
ment were framed) which made it expedient to suspend, on your Grace’s 
part, the offer to the French Government, of His Majesty’s Mediation with 
Spain. 

Upon a full review, however, of the situation in which we stand towards 
both those Powers, and towards the other members of the Alliance, and upon 
an anxious consideration of the several issues to which the question of Peace 
or War may come,—all those of His Majesty’s Servants, whom I have been 
able to consult, are of opinion, that it is highly material, for the clear and 
perfect discharge of the duty of the British Government, in a question so 
deeply affecting the interests not only of the Powers immediately con¬ 
cerned, but of the World, that your Grace should not leave Paris, with¬ 
out having placed in the hands of the French Government the eventual offer 
of His Majesty’s Mediation. 


No. 10. 


The Duke of JTcUington to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received December 22. 

(Extract.) Paris, December 17, 1822. 

I WAITED upon Monsieur de Montmorency this day, and presented to 
•liim the Note of which 1 inclose a copy. 




13 


(Inclosure in No. 10.) 

The Duke of Wellington to M. de Montmorency. 

Paris , December 17, 1822. 

THE Undersigned, Ilis Britannic Majesty’s Plenipotentiary, has explained 
and recorded, in the Conferences of Verona, the sentiments of his Govern¬ 
ment upon the present critical state of affairs between France and Spain ; and 
the earnest solicitude of the King his Master, to avert a War of which no 
human foresight can calculate the consequences. 

Upon his arrival at Paris, The Undersigned found instructions from his 
Government, to offer to his Most Christian Majesty the Mediation of the 
King his Master, before the decisive step should have been taken, of trans¬ 
mitting to Madrid the Despatches written at Verona. 

The Undersigned rejoiced at the delay which had been interposed to the 
transmission of those Despatches to Madrid, by the reference to Verona ; and 
Jhis Government have learnt, with the liveliest satisfaction, the determination 
of the French Government to reconsider a measure which the Undersigned 
had so anxiously deprecated. 

It is the sincere hope of His Majesty, that this salutary reconsideration 
may prevent recourse to arms. But, as the issue of the reference to Verona 
may still be doubtful, the Undersigned is instructed to declare, that, if the 
answer to that reference should not be such as to preclude all danger of hosti¬ 
lities, His Majesty will be ready to accept the Office of Mediator between the 
French and Spanish Governments ; and to employ his most strenuous endea¬ 
vours for the adjustment of their differences, and for the preservation of the 
Peace of the World. 

The Undersigned, &c. 

(Signed) WELLINGTON. 


No. 11. 

, . - . . . / , V ■ i ■/<>,< r ~ 

Note de M. le Due de Montmorency a M. Ic Due de Wellington , cn date de 
Paris , le 26 i?ic Deccinbre 1822. 

LE Soussigne, Ministre des Affaires Etrangeres, a recu et mis soils les 
yeux du Boi, la Note que Son Excellence Monsieur le Due de Wellington tui 
a fait 1‘honneur de Ini adresser le 17 de ce mois. 

Sa Majeste a aprecie les sentimens qui ont port£ le Roi d’Angleterre a lui 
oft'rir sa Mediation pour prevenir une rupture entre Elle et le Gouvcrnement 
Espagnol. Mais Elle a du reconnoitre que la situation de la France a regard 
de l’Espagnc, n’etait pas telle qu’iL y cut lieu d’etablir une Mediation entre 
les deux (Jours. En effet il n’existe entre Elies aucun different, aucun point 
particular de discussion, dont i’accommodernent put retablir leurs. relations 
siir le pied oil elles devraient 6tre. L’Espagne, par la nature de sa Revolu¬ 
tion, par les circonstances qui font suivie, a excite l’inqui&ude de plusieurs 
•rrandes Puissances. L’Angleterre l’a partagee cette inquietude: car d^s 1820 
Elle prevoyait des Cas oil Ton ne pourrait conservedavee l’Espagnc des rap¬ 
ports de bonne intelligence et de paix. 

La France est plus interessee que toutc autre Puissance, aux ev^nemens 
oui pourront resulter dc la situation actuellc de cctte Monarchic. Mais ce ne 




14 

sont point scs in to rets sculs qui sont compromis ct qu’EUe pent avoir cn vue 
dans ia circonstancc presente ; ce sont ceux du repos de l’Europc, et du main- 
tien des principes qui le garantissent. 

Monsieur le Due de Wellington sait que tel a £te le sentiment qui a dicte 
la conduite de la France a Verone, et que les Cours qui y ont donne leur 
adhesion, ont regarde les consequences de la Revolution et de l’tkat actuel de 
1’Espagne, comme leur etant communes;—qu’elles n’ont pas eu l’idee que ce 
fut entre la France et l’Espagne seulcment, qu’il y cut a regler les diffieultes 
presentes ;—qu’elles ont pens£ qu’il s’agissait d’une question touleEuropeenne ; 
et que e’est eu consequence de cettc opinion, qu’ont ete coneues et proposees 
les demarches qui devaient avoir pour but, d’amener, s’il est possible, une 
amelioration dans 1’etat d’un pays, si digne de l’interet de l’Europe; demarches 
dont le succes cut ete completement assure, si 1’Angleterre cut cru pouvoir y 
concourir. 

8 a Majeste tres-Chretienne, qui a du peser murement ces considerations, a 
done pense qu’Elle ne pouvait accepter la Mediation que Sa Majeste Britan- 
nique a bien voulu lui proposer. Elle trouve toutefois aver plaisir dans cette 
proposition un gage nouveau des dispositions conciliantes du Gouvernement 
Anglais; et Elle pense que, dans ces dispositions, 11 peut rendre d’6minens 
services a l’Europe cn faisant aussi passer au Gouvernement Espagnol des 
conscils qui, les amcnant a des idees plus cahnes, pouvaient influer heureuse- 
ment sur sa position inteiieure. Sa Majeste apprendrait avec la plus rive 
satisfaction le succes de ses efforts. Elle y verrait un gage d’esperance pour 
la conservation d’une Paix dont les Gouvernemens et les peuples de l’Europe 
doivent sentir vivement tout le prix. 

Le Soussigne, &c. 

(Sign£) MONTMORENCY. 


(Translation of No. \\.) 

Note from the Duke of Montmoreyicy to the Duke of TNellingtou, dated 
Paris the 26M December iS22. 

THE Undersigned Minister for Foreign Affairs has received and laid before 
the King, the Note which his Excellency the Duke of Wellington did him 
the honour to address to him on the 17th of this month. 

His Majesty has appreciated the sentiments which have induced the King 
of England to offer his Mediation to His Majesty, in order to prevent a rup¬ 
ture between Him and the Spanish Government. But His Majesty could not 
but feel that the situation of France with regard to Spain, was not of a nature 
to call for a Mediation between the two Courts. In fact, there exists no 
difference between them, no specifick point'of discussion, by the arrangement 
of which their relations might be placed on the footing on which they ought 
to stand. Spain by the nature of her Revolution, and by the circumstances 
with which it has been attended has excited the apprehensions of several great 
Powers. England participated in these apprehensions ; for even in the year 
1820, She foresaw cases, in which it would be impossible to preserve with 
Spain relations of Peace, and good Understanding. 

France is more interested than any other Power in the events which may 
result from the actual situation of that Monarchy. But it is not Her own 
interests ?done which are compromised, and which She must keep in view in 
the present circumstances:—the repose of Europe, and the maintenance of 
those principles by which it is guaranteed, are involved. 

The Duke of Wellington knows that these are the sentiments which dictated 
the conduct of France at Verona ; and that the Courts which agreed in them 



15 


regarded the consequences of the Revolution, and of the actual state of Spain 
as being common to them all; that they never entertained the idea that it 
was between France and Spain alone that the existing difficulties needed to 
be arranged ; that they considered the question to be “ wholly European 
and that it is in consequences of this opinion, that the measures which had 
for their object the bringing about if possible, an amelioration in the state 
of a Country so highly interesting to Europe, were conceived and proposed ; 
—measures, the success of which would have been completely secured, if 
England had thought She could concur in them. 

His Most Christian Majesty, who was bound to weigh these considerations 
maturely, has therefore thought that lie could not accept the Mediation that 
His Britannick Majesty has been pleased to propose to Him. He sees, how¬ 
ever, with pleasure in this proposition, a new pledge of the conciliatory dispo¬ 
sition of the English Government; and He thinks that with such feelings, 
that Government may render essential service to Europe, by offering in the 
like manner to the Government of Spain, advice, which by leading them to 
entertain more calm views, might produce a happy influence on the internal 
situation of that Country. 

His Majesty w'ould learn, with the liveliest satisfaction, the success of such 
efforts. He would see m it a firm ground to hope for the preservation of a 
Peace, of the great value of w hich, the Governments and the People of Europe 
cannot but be deeply sensible. 

The Undersigned eagerly embraces the opportunity of renewing to his 
Excellency the Duke of Wellington the assurances of his high consideration. 

The Undersigned &c. 

(Signed) MONTMORENCY. 


No. 12. 

Mr, Secretary Canning to the Cicomlc de Marcellas . 

Foreign Office, January 10, 1823. 

THE Undersigned, His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs, has received from the Duke of Wellington, late His Majesty’s Plenipo¬ 
tentiary at the Congress of Verona, and has laid before the King his Master, 
the answer of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of His Most Christian Majesty, 
to the Official Note in which the Duke of Wellington, on his return from 
Verona, tendered to the French Government the Mediation of the King, for 
the adjustment of differences between France and Spain. 

The Undersigned is commanded to address to M. de Marcell us, Chargd 
d’Affaires of His Most Christian Majesty, the following observations on the 
Note of His Excellency the Duke de Montmorency, to be transmitted by M. 
dc Marcell us to his Court. 

The King has seen with pleasure, that His Most Christian Majesty does jus¬ 
tice to the sentiments which dictated the offer of His Majesty’s Mediation: and 
although the view r which is taken inM. de Montmorency’s Note, of the nature 
of the differences between the French and Spanish Governments, has induced 
His Most Christian Majesty to decline that Mediation, the King will not the 
less anxiously employ, in every way that is yet open to Him, those “ concili¬ 
atory dispositions” for which His Most Christian Majesty gives Him credit, to 
bring about a state of things less menacing to the peace of Europe, than that 
which is exhibited in the present position of those two Governments towards 
each other. 

The British Cabinet had not to learn how fearfully the tranquillity of all 
Europe must be affected by the hostile collision of France and Spain. Ac 



\C> 


cordinglv, in the Duke of Wellington’s Official Note, the “ adjustment” of 
the supposed “ differences between the French and Spanish Governments,” 
was stated as auxiliary to “ the preservation of the Peace of the World.” But 
the British Cabinet certainly did not understand the Questions brought for¬ 
ward at Veionri, by the Plenipotentiary of His Most Christian Majesty, with 
respect to the actual situation and possible conduct of Spain, to be Questions 
in which the concern of France was so little distinguishable from that of other 
Powers, as the Duke de Montmorency’s note represents it. 

The Plenipotentiary of the King of France solicited from His Most Christian 
Majesty’s Allies a declaration : 

1st. Whether, if France should find herself obliged to recall her Minister 
from Madrid, and to break off all diplomatick relations with Spain, they would 
be disposed to take the like measure, and to recal their several Legations? 

2d. If war should break out between France'and Spain, in what form, and 
by what acts, would they afford to France that moral support, which would 
give to her proceedings the whole force of the Alliance, and would inspire a 
salutary fear into the revolutionists ol all countries? 

3d, What were the intentions of the several Powers, both as to the substance 
and the form of the direct assistance which they would be disposed to give to 
France, in a Case in which, upon her demand, their active intervention should 
become necessary ? 

France, therefore, originated the discussions upon Spanish affairs at Verona ; 
and the answers of the three Continental Members of the Alliance were ad¬ 
dressed to the cases supposed, and to the support demanded, by France: 

In common with the three Continental Powers, the Plenipotentiary of His 
Majesty considered the Question of Peace or War with Spain, as a Question 
peculiarly French. In his answer (given in simultaneously with those of the 
three Continental Powers) to the queries of the French Plenipotentiary, and iti 
all the discussions which followed thereupon, the Duke of Wellington uni¬ 
formly alleged, as one of his reasons for not assenting to the propositions of 
M. de Montmorency, the ignorance of the British Government as to the an¬ 
tecedent transactions and communications (during the last two years) between 
the Governments of France and Spain. 

No objection was stated by the Duke of Wellington, on the part of the King 
his Master, to the precautionary measures of France, within her own frontier ; 
measures which the right of self-defence plainly authorized, not only against 
the danger of contagious disease (in which they professedly originated, and to 
which till the month of September they were exclusively ascribed), but against 
those inconveniences which might possibly arise to France from civil contest 
in a country separated from France only by a conventional line of demarcation ; 
against the moral infection of political intrigue, and against the violation of 
French Territory by occasional military incursions. But it appeared to His 
Majesty’s Plenipotentiary at Verona to be necessary and just, that, before he 
was called upon to promise eventually the support of his Government to mea¬ 
sures on the part of France which w ere likely to lead to War with Spain, op¬ 
portunity should‘have been allowed to his Government to examine the grounds 
of those, measures ;—that the cause of offence given by Spain to France should 
have been specifically defined. 

It was therefore impossible for His Majesty’s Plenipotentiary to “ concur” 
in the decisions of Verona. 

It remains for the Undersigned to advert to that part of the French Official 
Note, which appears to insinuate a reproach against this Country, as if she had 
abandoned at Verona, opinions which she had formerly declared with respect' 
to the affairs of Spain. 

tc England,” it is said, te partook in 1820 of the inquietude which the Re- 
“ volution in Spain occasioned to many great Powers; She foresaw Cases in. 



17 

“ which it might be impossible to preserve with Spain the relations of good 
“ intelligence and peace.” 

The Undersigned must be permitted to say, that though questions, were in¬ 
deed propounded to England in the year 1820, as to possible future contin¬ 
gencies in the affairs of Spain, so far from “ foreseeing cases,” and deciding 
upon the conduct which would be applicable to them, in the manner here 
described, the British Government positively declined to bind itself, by a con¬ 
tingent opinion, to any conditional course of action. 

But there was no indisposition or hesitation to avow the principles upon 
which the opinion of England would be formed, and her course of action regu¬ 
lated. It was rtot only declared that the British Government disclaimed any 
getieral right of interference in the internal concerns of independent Nations ; 
but it was specifically stated, that there was perhaps no Country of equal mag¬ 
nitude with Spain whose internal disturbances would be so little likely to 
menace other States with that direct and imminent danger, which could alone, 
in exception to the general rule, justify Foreign Interference. 

The application of these principles to the Cases brought forward by Fiance 
at Verona, was as direct, as it was consistent with the former professions of the 
British Cabinet —That' application was further enforced by other consider¬ 
ations, which, though they had not perhaps been distinctly; anticipated in a 
prospective and hypothetical argument, bore nevertheless with undeniable • 
force upon thtr question'to be decided at Verona. 

Dangers not necessarily'arising from the existence of the internal agitations 
of Spain, might nevertheless be created by an uncalled for and injudicious in¬ 
terposition in them. The spirit of Revolution, which, shut up within the 
Pyrennees, might exhaust itself in'struggles, trying indeed to Spain but harm¬ 
less to her neighbours* if called forth from within those precincts by the provo¬ 
cation of foreign attack, might find perhaps in other Countries fresh aliment 
for its fury ; and might renew throughout Europe, the miseries of the five and . 
twenty years which preceded the peace of 1815 

For these and abundant other reasons, the voice of His Majesty's Plenipo¬ 
tentiary at Verona was for Peace.—'Pile preservation of general Peace is the 
earnest wish and object of His Majesty : And the Undersigned is commanded 
to repeat, that no means will be left unexhausted by His Majesty’s Govern¬ 
ment, which the impartial employment of Good Offices can afford, to soothe 
the irritation at present unhappilv subsisting between the Governments of. 
France and Spain, and to prevent, if possible, the commencement of hostilities, 
th6 consequences of which no human foresight can calculate. 

The Undersigned, &c. 

(Signed) GEORGE CANNING. 


No 13. 

Tht Viscount dc Chateaubriand to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received 

January 2 /. 

Paris , J cum ary 23, 1823. 

LE Soussigne, Ministre des A.ffaircs Etrangeres de Sa Majeste Tres Chrd" 
tienne, a mis sous les yeux du Roi, la note en date du 10 de ce mois, que Son 
Excellence Monsieur ie Principal Secretaire d’Etat des Affaires Etrangeres de 
Sa Majesty Britannique, avoit adressee a M. le Vicouite de Marcellus. II a 
1’ordre de fa ire a Son Excellence la communication suivante. 

Le cabinet de Sa Majeste Britannique tomberait dans tine grave errenr, s’il 
pensait que la France a presente an Congr&s de Verone, la Question d’Espagnc 
romme ayailt pour Elle tin interdt entierement separe dc celui des Puissances 
Allies ; que des-lors Elic sc trouveen contradiction, quand, dans Sa r^ponse a 




IS 


la proposition de Mediation faite par I’Angleterre, Elle etablit que cette Ques¬ 
tion est “ tout Europemne 

La France, depuis les transactions d’Aix Ja Chapelle, est etroitement unie 
aux Cours, qui, par leurs efforts, ont retabii la paix sur le Continent. P£ octree 
de la saintete des Traites, elle accomplira les devoirs qu’ils lui imposent. Uu 
de ces devoirs de la France, etait defaire connaitre a-Ses Allies les motifs qui 
l’avaient forcee a etablir une Armee d’Observation sur une de ses fronti&res ; er 
de leur expliquer ses inquietudes, sur un avenir dont il etait aise de calculer 
les chances. Dans la position ou les troubles de 1’Espague l’avaient placee, la 
plus simple prevoyance l’obligeait de s’enquerir du parti que prendraient les 
Puissances au cas que la guerre devint inevitable. Cette marche, qu’indiquai- 
ent le bon sens et la raison, dut 6tre suivie n^cessairement par le Due Matthieu 
de Montmorency a Verone. Les Souverains pens&rent (et le Gouvernement 
Francois partagea leur opinion) qu’il y avait peril imminent pour la societe 
dans cette anarchie militaire de i’Espagne, ou se trouvaient reproduits ces priu- 
cipes, qui, pendant trentes annees, ont fait les malheurs de 1’Europe. Dc ces 
conferences generales, sortirent naturellement des Questions particulieres; et 
l’on sp^cialisa des Cas qui dtaient d’abord enveloppes dans les interets communs. 

Le r^sultat de ces communications loyales fut que la France se trouva en 
mesure d’agir separ^ment dans une cause qui lui etait comme appropri£e,sans 
toutefois isoler sa politique de celle de Ses Allies ; de sorte que, scion la manierc 
clout on 4tait frapp£, on a pu dire, sans contradiction, que la Question de 
l’Espagrie etait a la fois ec toute Franqaise ct toute Europdenne .” 

Le Soussigne, se flattant d’avoir sutfisammemt repondu a la premiere objec¬ 
tion du Ministre Secretaire d’Etat des Affaires Etrangeres de Sa Majeste Dri- 
tan nique, passe a 1’examen d’un autre point. 

Le Cabinet des Tuileries n’a point oubli4. que le principal motif all£gu£ par 
Sa Grace le Due de Wellington a -Verone, pour ne point s’expliquer sur lc 
casus foederis , 4tait l’ignorance oil se trouvait son Gouvernement des transac¬ 
tions qui avaient eu lieu entre la France et l’Espagne, depuis 1820 jusqu’en 
1S22. Cette objection fut ecartde au Congr&s, comme elle le sera ici, par la 
seule observation, que les griefs dont la France pouvait avoir a se plaindre, au 
sujet de la Revolution d’Espagne, 4taient malbeureusement dc notoridte pub- 
lique; ct e’est ce que le Soussign4 aura occasion de ddvelopper dans la suite 
de cette note. 

Le Ministre des Affaires Etrangeres de Sa Majesty Britannique, r^pondant 
a une observation contenue dans la note de M. le Due de Montmorencv, en 
date du 24 Decembre, annonce que le Cabinet de St. James n’a jamais rec.oniiu 
un cas d’intervention dans les affaires de l’Espagne ; et qu’ainsi il a pu refuser 
de se lier pour l’avenir, en dmettant une opinion sur des evdnemens condition- 
ncls et incertains. Le Soussign<$ croit cependant avoir des motifs de ne pas 
douter, que, dans un Mdmoire redigd par le Cabinet de Londres, en rdponse 
a unedep£che de la Cour de Russie, et communique le 17 Mai, 1820, par Sir 
Charles Stuart au Ministre des Affaires Etrangeres de France, se trouvait 
enoncee l’opinion qu’on aurait le droit de se melcr des affaires d’Espagne ; 
1” Si l’dxaltation de ccux qui dirigent les affaires, les portait a une aggression 
contre une autre Puissance. 2" Si l’Espagne cherchoit a s’emparer du Portu¬ 
gal, ou a operer une reunion des deux Etats. Cette opinion du Cabinet Bri¬ 
tannique parut alors aussi conforme aux int£r£ts g^neraux de 1’Europe, qu’a des 
intents particuliers, dont il est permis a tout Gouvernement de ne pas aban- 
donner le soin. 

Le Soussigne regrette de ne pouvoir partager l’opinion du Principal Secretaire 
d’Eta't des Affaires Etrangeres de Sa Majeste Britannique, sur le peu de danger 
dont la revolution d’Espagne est pour les divers pays de 1’Europe. L’etat dc 
la civilisation moderne, m6t un peuple en communication avec tons les autres 
peoples, quelque soit d’aillcurs son isolemcnt gdographique. La France sur- 
tout, seul pays dont la frontierc touche a cctle de l’Espagnc, souffre consid^ra- 


19 


blement des troubles qui agitent le Royaume deFerdinand. Une Revolution 
qui semble avoir pris pour modele celle dont les traces ne. sent point encore 
effacees, reveille et remue, dan le sein de la France, une foule de passions et de 
souvenirs. On a les preuves les plus multiplies, que les r^volutionnaires de 
l’Espagne et ceux de la France sont en relations intimes. Dans toutes les con¬ 
spirations militaircs, j ogees par les tribunaux Francais, on a constamment 
retrouve le nom et l’esp^rancc des Cortes. Les coupables, echappes a la justice, 
ont trouve un asyle dans la Peninsule, oil ils menacent et insultent avec impu¬ 
nity la Monarchic et le Trone des Bourbous. Des libelles Merits en Francais 
et emprimes en Espagne, sont jettes dans l’Armee d’Observation pour la cor- ; 
rompre; et jusques dans les journaux Anglais, le Gouvernement Britannique a 
pu voir que I’on provoquait, au nom de l’Espagne, nos Soldats a la revoke. ; 
Ces faits ont yte irnplicitement reconnus par 8a Grace le Due de .Wellington, 
lorsque, dans ses Notes Diplomatiques, il a donne son approbation a i’etablis-- 
sement de I’Armye d’Observation. La Note inline, it laquelle le Soussigii a 
rhonueur de repondre en ce moment, confirme.tout ce qu’il avance ici,en rap- 
portant ces expressions du noble Due : “ Le Due de Wellington n’a point 
“ etabli d’objeetion, au nom du Roi son maitre, contre les mesures de precaution 
“ prises par la France sur ses propres frontircs, lorsque ces mesures etaient 
“ evidemment autorisees par le droit de sa propre defense, non seulement con-- 
“ tre les dangers sanitaires, mais encore la contagion morale des intrigues poli- 
“ tiques; enfin contre la violation du territoire Francais par des excursions 
<c militaires fortuites.” Cet aveu est remarquable: et d’ailleurs le Piemont, le 
Royaume des deux Siciles, ne se sont ils pas soulev 4 s au nom des Cortes ? Et 
faudrait ild’autre preuve que la Revolution d’Espagne peut franchir les Pyrenees? 

II est done permis a la France de se defendre contre la contagion morale : 
il lui est ygalement n^cessarne de se mettre a l’abri des dangers d’une autre 
sorte, puisque le territoire Fran9ais a 4 t 4 viole trois fois par les Troupes Con- 
stitutionnelies de l’Espagne. Que la France, inquiet£e dans son interieur, et 
arin4e sur ses frontiftres pour sa defense, ait un besoin impyrieux de sortir 
d’une position si pynible pour elle, e’est ce qu’on ne peut s’emptkiherde recon- 
naifere. Comme le Gouvernement Britannique, elle desire sincerement la paix. 
Elle n’eut pas balancy, de concert avec Ses Alliys, ft accepter la mediation de 
l’Angleterre, s’il s’ytait agi de discuter des intyrets matyriels ; mais on ne peut 
etablir une base de nygociation sur des thyories politiques, et un arbitrage sur 
des principes. 

Pour la memc raison, la France n’a pu adopter la proposition que M. de San 
Miguel a faitc, le 12me de ce mois, au Ministre de la Grande Bretagne pr£s la 
Cour de Madrid, atin de l’engager ft intervenir dans les affaires du Gouverne¬ 
ment Fran9ais et du Gouvernement Espagtiol:—intervention au moins inutile, 
puisqu’il parait qu’elle n’aurait eu pour objet que des mesures relatives al’Armye 
u Observation. Si le Cabinet de Madrid est de bonne foi dans ses communi¬ 
cations, a-t-il besoin. d’intermydiaire pour les faire parvenir au Cabinet des 
Tuilerics ? Celui ci ne craint pas de s’expliquer ; dernierement encore, il a fait 
connoitre les conditions raisonnables, au moyen des-quelles on pourrait arriver 
a une prompte conciliation. Le Comte de la Garde a recu l'ordre de faire part 
confidentiellement a Sir William a Court, des intentions bienviellantes du Roi. 
Sa Majcste Tres Chretienne demande que 8a Majesty Catholique puisse ap- 
porter, Elle-myme et de Sa propre autority, les modifications necessaires aux 
institutions qui ont ete imposyes par la revoke de quelques soldats, ft la Cou- 
ronne d’Espagne. A cette concession libre des institutions rectifiees par le Roi 
Ferdinand, le Roi de France pense qu’il serait bon d’ajouterune amnestic pleine 
et entiere, pour tout acte politique fait depuis 1822 , jusqu’au jour de promul¬ 
gation de la Concession Royale. Ainsi disparaitrait de la Constitution Es- 
pagnole, le vice de fond et de forme, qui met en peril toutes les Monarchies 
Legitimes. Le Soussigny ose croire que des propositions si justes et si mody~ 
ryes obtiendront l’assentiment de tous les Cabinets de TEurope. 



20 


Le Gouvernement Francis 'ayant fait, au' d^sir d’eviter la guerre, tous les 
genres de sacrifice; ayantpeut-Gtre.trop longtems luttecontre l’opimon publique, 
soulevbe par les provocations de rEspagne,--le Gouvernement Francais est arrive 
k cctte derniere limite de concessions, qu’aucun Pouvoir qui se respecte, ne peut 
impunement depasser. Elessee dans ses interets essentiels, la France ne peut 
plus feriner les yeux surjes dangers qui La menacent, sans cesser de faire les 
voeux les plus ardcuts pour la paix. Elle a deja pris, et continuera de prendre, 
les mesures propres a mettre fin a unetat d’incertitude qui cpmpromet a la fois 
*Sa suretc, Son honneur, et Sa dignite. Quelque soit l’ev£nement, la France 
aimera toujours a compter sur les Eons Otfices dontle Gouvernement Anglais 
veut bien lui renouvellcr la proposition. Elle mettra Elle-m&me tous ses soins 
4 resserrer les liens qui unissent si heureuseuient les deux Monarchies'et les 
deux Peuples. .. . . 

(Sign4) CHATEAUBRIAND. 


(Translation of No. \3.) 

The Vhiount de Chateaubriand to Mr. Secretary Canning. — Received 

January 27 . 

Paris, January 23, 1823. 

' ' ■ • : ... 

THE Undersigned Minister for Foreign Affairs, of His Most Christian Ma¬ 
jesty, has laid before the King, the Note, dated the roth of this Mouth, which 
His Excellency, the Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, of His 
Britan pick Majesty, has addressed to Viscount MarcelluS. 

He has been commanded to make the following communication to his Ex¬ 
cellency., . 

.^The Cabinet .qf His Britannick Majesty would fall into'a serious error, if it 
imagined that France bad represented to the Congress of Verona, the question 
of Spain, as having for her an interest entirely separate from that of the Allied 
Powers ;—that, consequently She is inconsistent'vVhen, in Her answer to the 
proposition of Mediation made by England 1 , Stic maintains that that question 
is “ wholly European.” 

France, since the transactions of Aix-la-Chapclle, is closely united with the- 
Courts, who, by their efforts, have re-established Peace upon the' Continent. 
Deeply impressed with the sacred obligation of Treaties, She will fulfil the 
duties which they impose upon Her : — One of the duties thus required of 
| 7 ranee was, to make known to Her Allies, the motives w'hich had compelled 
Her to establish an Army ol Observation on one of Her frontiers, and to ex¬ 
plain her uneasiness on approaching events, of which it was ea*y to calculate 
the chances. In the position in which tile agitations in Spain had placed 
tier, common prudence required tliat She should makeHerself acquainted 
with the part which the Allied Powers would take, in the event of War be¬ 
coming inevitable. 

This ||ne of conduct, which good sense aiid reason pointed out, the Duke 
de Montmorency was bound to follow at Verona. Tile Sovereigns were Of 
opinion (in which the French G.bveinment coincided,j that there wtis immi¬ 
nent danger to societv, in that military Anarchy in Spain, in which those prin- 
cipi.es. were put. forth anew, which, during thirty years, had occasioned the 
misfortunes of Europe. From these general conferences, particular ques¬ 
tions naturally arose j and cases which were originally involved in the ge¬ 
neral interests,, became the subject of speeifick disemsibn. 

Th e result of these frank communications was, that France Fob till Herself 
placed in a position to act separately in a cause which \vas-, as it vveiV; approx 




21 


priated to Her, without, however, separating Her policy from that of Her 
Allies; so that, according to the impression which the case conveyed, it 
might be said, without fear of contradiction/that the question respecting 
Spain was at once “ wholly French , and'wholly European .” 

The Undersigned, flattering himselt that he has given a satisfactory answer 
to the first objection of His Britannick Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State 
for Foreign Affairs, proceeds to the consideration of another point. 

The Cabinet of the Tuilleries have not forgotten, that the principal motive 
alleged by his Grace the Duke of Wellington at Verona, for not explaining 
himself upon the casus foederis, was, the ignorance of his Government of the 
transactions which had taken place between France and Spain, from 1820 to 
1822. That objection was removed at the Congress, as it will be here, by the 
single observation, that the grievances of which France might have to com¬ 
plain, on the subject of the Spanish Revolution, were unfortunately of publick 
notoriety; and this is what the Undersigned will have occasion to develope in 
the course of this Note. 

The Minister for Foreign Affairs of His Britannick Majesty, in reply to an 
observation contained in the Note of M. le Due de Montmorency, dated the 
24th December, states, that the Cabinet of St. James’s has never admitted that 
there was a case to justify Intervention in the Affairs of Spain; and that 
therefore it might refuse to bind itself for the future by expressing an opinion 
upon contingent and uncertain events. The Undersigned thinks, however, 
that he has reasons for not doubting that in a Mdnioirc drawn up by the Ca¬ 
binet of London, in answer to a despatch of the Court of Russia, and com¬ 
municated on the ljth May 1820, by Sir Charles Stuart to the French Mi¬ 
nister for Foreign Affairs, an opinion is pronounced that an interference in 
the Affairs of Spain would be justifiable,—1st. If the violence of the persons 
in power led them to an attack against any other States: 2(1. If Spain at¬ 
tempted to possess Herself of Portugal, or to affect a re-union of the Two 
States.—This opinion of the British Cabinet appeared at the time as con¬ 
formable with the general interests of Europe, as with particular Interests, 
to the care of which every Government has an acknowledged right to attend. 

The Undersigned regrets that he cannot coincide in opinion with His Bri¬ 
tannick Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, as to the 
little danger to which the Spanish Revolution exposes the other Powers of 
Europe. The state of modern civilization brings one nation into communica¬ 
tion with all others, however completely it may be insulated by geographical 
position. France especially, the only Country whose frontier touches that of 
Spain, suffers considerably from the troubles which agitate the Kingdom of 
Ferdinand.—A Revolution which seems to have taken for its model, that of 
which the traces are not yet effaced, awakens and agitates in the bosom of 
France a host of passions and recollections.—Innumerable proofs exist that 
the Revolutionists of Spain and of France are in close connection ; in all the 
military conspiracies tried by the French Tribunals, the name and the hope 
of the Cortes have invariably appeared. Offenders escaped from justice have 
found an asylum in the Peninsula, where they menace and insult with impu¬ 
nity, the Monarchy and the Throne of the Bourbons.—Libels written in 
French and printed in Spain, are scattered abroad amongst the Army of Ob¬ 
servation, for the purpose of corrupting it.—And even in the English papers 
the British Government has seen that our soldiers were excited to revolt in 
the.name of Spain.—These facts were admitted by implication by his Grace 
the Duke of Wellington, when, in his diplomatick notes he extended his ap¬ 
probation to the establishment of the Army of Observation. The very note 
to which the Undersigned has now the honour to reply, confirms all that he 
here advances, in citing the following expressions of the noble Duke.—■“ The 
u Duke of Wellington made no objection in the name of the King his 

Master, to the precautionary measures taken by France on her own frontiers, 

G 


22 


cc whilst these measures were evidently authorized by the right of defending 
“ He rself, not only against the dangers ot infectious disease, but also against 
“ the moral contagion of political intrigue ; and finally, against the violation 
<c of the French territory by casual military incursions.”—This admission is 
remarkable, and besides, did not Piedmont and the Kingdom of the Two 
Sicilies rise in the name of the Cortes? and is any other proof required, that 
the Spanish Revolution may pass the limits of the Pyrennees ? France then 
lias the right to defend herself against moral contagion. It is equally neces¬ 
sary for Iler to secure herself against dangers of another sort, since the French 
territory has beecri thrice violated by the Constitutional troops of Spain. 

That France, disquieted in her interior, and armed on her frontiers for her 
defence, should be under an imperious necessity to escape from a position so 
painful to Her, is what it is impossible* not to acknowledge. Like the British 
Government, She sincerely desires Peace. She would not have hesitated, iti 
concert with her Allies, to accept the Mediation of England, if the discussion 
ol specifick Interest were in question ; but it is impossible to establish a basis 
of negotiation upon political theories, and of arbitration upon principles. 

For the same reason France could not accede to the pjoposal which M. de 
San Miguel made on the 12th of this month, to the Minister 1 ' of Great Britain 
at the Court of Madrid, in order to engage that Power to interfere in the 
Affairs of the French and Spanish Governments—an intervention useless, at 
the least, since it appears that it would have no other object than measures 
relative to the Army of Observation. 

If the Cabinet of Madrid is sincere in its communications, does it need an 
intermediate channel to transmit them to the Cabinet of the Tuilleries? 
The latter does not fear to explain itself. Even recently It has made known 
the reasonable conditions, by means of which a speedy reconciliation might 
be effected. 

The Comte de la Garde has received orders to communicate confidentially 
to Sir William A’Court the King’s benevolent intentions. His Most 
Christian Majesty demands, that Ilis Catholick Majesty should, of Himself, 
and by Ilis own Authority, apply the necessary Modifications to the Institu¬ 
tions which have been imposed on the Crown of Spain by the revolt of a few 
soldiers. 

To this free Concession by King Ferdinand, of the corrected Institutions, 
the King of France thinks that it would be proper to add, a full and complete 
Amnesty, for all political Acts committed from 1822, up to the day of pro¬ 
mulgating the Royal Concession.—Thus would disappear from the Spanish 
Constitution, the defects, in substance and in form, which endanger all legi¬ 
timate Monarchies. The Undersigned feels persuaded, that propositions so 
just and so moderate will obtain the concurrence of all the Cabinets of 
Europe. 

The French Government having made every sort of sacrifice to the desire 
of avoiding War ; having struggled, perhaps, too long, against publick opinion, 
roused by the Provocations of Spain,—has at length reached that last limit of 
Concession which no Power, that respects itself, can with impunity over-step. 
Inj ured in Her essential Interests, France, without ceasing to offer the most 
ardent prayers for Peace, can no longer shut Her eyes to the dangers which 
threaten Her. She has already taken, and She will continue to take, the 
measures best calculated for putting an end to a state of uncertainty, which 
compromises alike her Safety, her Honour, and her Dignity. Whatever may 
be the event, France will always have pleasure in relying on the good offices 
of which the English Government has again been pleased to renew to Her the 
proposal. She will Herself use her utmost endeavour to draw closer the tics 
which so happily unite the Two Monarchies and the Two People. 

(Signed) Cl I ATE A UB RI AND. 


23 


No. II. 


Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir Charles Stuart. 

Sir, Foreign Office, January 28, 1823 

SHORTLY after I had dispatched the Messenger yesterday, M. de Mar- 
ccllus delivered to me the Official Answer of M. de. Chateaubriand to the 
Note addressed by me to M. de Marcellus on the 10th instant. 

As it appears from your Excellency’s Despatch of the 24th, which also 
reached me yesterday, that M. de Chateaubriand, though he stated to your 
Excellency the substance of this Note, had not furnished you with a copy 
of it, I think it right to inclose a copy for your information. 

Upon a first consideration, I am by no means sure that it will be neces¬ 
sary to reply officially to this Note of M. de Chateaubriand ; since it in effect 
admits all the material propositions of the Note to which it is an answer. 

The Questions brought forward by France at Verona are acknowledged to 
have been French Questions, in the sense in which they are in my Note des¬ 
cribed to have been such ; that is to say, the interest of France is stated in 
those Questions not as distinct from the interest of Europe, but as more im¬ 
mediate :—and it is not denied that the refusal of His Majesty’s Plenipoten¬ 
tiary to concur iiv the decisions of Verona, was founded on the omission by 
France to substantiate any spccifick ground of complaint against the Spanish 
Government. 

In the subsequent part of M. dc Chateaubriand’s Note, while the assertion 
of my Note of the 10th instant,—that Great Britain had in 1820 declined anti¬ 
cipating hypothetical Cases in which it might be impossible to remain at 
peace with Spain,—is disputed ; the only two Cases which are cited in excep¬ 
tion to that assertion, are Cases wholly independent of the principle of inter¬ 
ference in the internal Concerns of other Nations. 

It is averred, that we admitted the necessity of War against Spain ; first, 
if Spain herself should be guilty of aggression against other States, and se¬ 
condly and specifically, if she should attempt to possess Herself of Portugal. 

Unquestionably, with respect to either of those Cases, Great Britain would 
admit, not only prospectively and hypothetically, and as to Spain, but posi¬ 
tively and directly as to any Power whatever, that aggression against any of 
its neighbours would justify War ; and that aggression against Portugal would 
impose upon Great Britain the duty of protecting Her Ally. 

But these admissions leave the question as to the right of interference in 
the affairs of Spain, where it was. 

With respect to that part of M. dc Chateaubriand’s Note which describes 
the nature of the demands intended to be made by France upon Spain, and 
takes credit for the moderation of them ; your Excellency will not fail to ob¬ 
serve, that our difference with France and the Allies throughout, is not as to 
the arrangements which it might be desirable to obtain from Spain, but as to 
the principle upon which France and the Allies propose to require them. 

We disclaim for ourselves, and deny for other Powers, the right of requir¬ 
ing any changes in the internal institutions of Independent States, with the 
menace of hostile attack in case of refusal. The moderation of such demands 
in no degree justifies in our eyes such a mode of enforcing them ; and this 
distinction it is the more important to keep steadily in view, and to impress 
upon the French Government, at a moment when, for their sake and at their 
desire, we are suggesting to Spain, in a tone of friendly counsel, alterations 
similar to those which France is proposing as the alternative of hostilities. 




Your Excellency will speak in this sense to M. de Chateaubriand, when 
you acknowledge on my part the receipt of his Official Note; from the gene¬ 
ral tone of which, and from the friendliness of its expressions towards this 
Country, you will inform M. de Chateaubriand that llis Majesty’s Govern¬ 
ment derives the liveliest satisfaction ; at the same time that It views with 
deep regret the tendency of that part of the Note which appears to indicate 
an expectation of hostilities with Spain. 

I am, &c. 

(Signed) GEORGE CANNING. 
His Excellency the Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Stuart, G. C. B. 


Class R 


PARIS AND MADRID. 


No. 1. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court. 

Foreign Office , December 3, 1822 . 

(Extract.) 

In order that you may be fully informed of the manner in which the Ques¬ 
tion of Interference in the affairs of Spain has been treated at the Conferences 
at Verona, I have directed Copies of the principal Communications received 
from the Duke of Wellington on that question, to be prepared for you ; and I 
herewith transmit them to you for your information. 


No. 2. 


Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court. 

Foreign Office , December 9 , 1822 . 

(Extract.) 

On the day after I had despatched my last messenger to you, M. de Colomb, 
the Spanish Chargd d’Affaires, requested a Conference; at which he first read, 
arid then delivered to me, the Extract of a Despatch from his Court, of which 
I inclose a Copy. * 

* See the Inclosure in No. 7, of Verona and Paris Papers. 


No. 3. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court. 

Foreign Office , December 9 , 1822 . 

(Extract.) 

I have received this morning, the Duke of Wellington’s final dispatches 
from Verona. f 

No argument will be left unemployed on the part of Ilis Majesty, which 








26 


may tend to allay a warlike disposition in His Most Christian Majesty’s Coun¬ 
cils. His Majesty’s Mediation between France and Spain, if solicited by Spain 
and accepted by France, would be gladly given and earnestly exerted, to settle 
the disputes between those Powers, and to preserve the Peace of the World. 

If Spain be disposed to solicit that Mediation, She will entitle Herself to it, 
first, by redressing our grievances.—and secondly, by a confidential and spon¬ 
taneous Assurance, that His Catholic Majesty and His Family are altogether 
safe from violence. 

Upon this latter point, it is not intended that you should make any direct 
demand to the Spanish Government. It could not properly find its place in 
a diplomatick communication to the Minister of His Cutbolick Majesty. But 
M. San Miguel may be easily led to understand, how important an aid would 
be afforded to any Interposition of ours in behalf of Spain, if We could accom¬ 
pany it with the declaration of our entire conviction, that on this point Europe 
has nothing to fear. 


No. 4. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir TFilliam a Court. 

(Extract.) Foreign Office, December 17, 1822 . 

I TRANSMIT to you an Extract * of a Despatch which has been received 
from the Duke of Wellington at Paris. 

You may confidently assure the Spanish Minister, that no effort has been, 
or will be left untried, on the part of His Majesty, to prevent a War against 
Spain. 

* See No. 8, Verona and Paris Papers. 


No. 5. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court. 

(Extract.) Foreign Office, December 28 , 1822 . 

I RE-DESPATCH your Messenger with the inclosed Copy of an Official 
Note* presented to the French Gov# rnment by the Duke of Wellington the 
day before his departure from Paris 

You will communicate it to M. de San Miguel; and if desired, will furnish 
him with a Copy of it. 

* See Inclosure No. 10, Verona and Paris Papers. 


No. 6. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir JVilliam a Court. 

(Extract.) Foreign Office, December 29 , 1822 . 

SIR CHARLES STUART has transmitted the Answer of the French 
Government to the Official Note presented by the Duke of Wellington, at 
Paris. In that Answer (of which I enclose a Copy*), the French Govern- 

* See No. 12, in Verona and Paris Papers. 






27 


went, while it declines accepting the proffered Mediation of His Majesty, on 
the ground that there is no spccifick point of difference, to the removal or ex¬ 
planation of which Mediation can be distinctly applied, expresses nevcrthe : 
less the pleasure with which it views the “ conciliatory dispositions” of the 
British Government, and the hope which it derives from those dispositions, 
of the continuance of Peace in Europe. 

Sir C. Stuart at the same time, reports to me, the Instructions which have 
been transmitted by the French Government to * their Minister at Madrid, 
M. de Marcellus has been with me this morning for the purpose of making, 
by order of his Government, a similar communication. 

As the object at Verona was to induce us to make common cause with all; 
so the object of France, since she has to a certain degree reconsidered for 
Herself the measures framed at Verona, appears to be to induce us to concur 
in Her separate and mitigated measure. 

The truth is, as you are aware, that our objection to joining in the mea¬ 
sures settled at Verona was an objection of principle not of degree ; an ob¬ 
jection not capable therefore of being overcome by a mere modification of the 
Execution of them. 

It would have been idle to offer our mediation to France, if we had been 
prepared to unite with Her in the conditional menace contained in the Des¬ 
patch which she has now addressed to Her Minister at Madrid,—a menace 
softened perhaps in it’s terms, and less precise as to the conditions on which 
it depends than those of the other Continental Powers, but still vicious in 
principle, as at once demanding of Spain something to be done in the ar¬ 
rangement of Her internal concerns, and denouncing (in however compara¬ 
tively distant and. obscure a manner) War as the consequence of refusal. 

In speaking to M. de San Miguel upon the subject of those Instructions, 
you will disclaim for your Government any participation in this proceeding 
of the French Government. But you will avow the deep interest which the 
King, our Master, feels in the agitations now prevailing in Spain ; His Ma¬ 
jesty’s anxious hope that the Spanish Government and Nation may avoid any 
excess, either in action or in language ; and His Majesty’s unabated desire, 
to employ His Good Offices, in whatever way may be most useful to Spain, 
for averting the dangers with which She is threatened, and for reconciling 
Her to France and to all Europe. 

* Despatch from M. de Vill&le to M. Lagarde, dated Paris, Dec. 25, 1822. 


No. 7* 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court. 

(Extract.) Foreign Office, December 29, 1822 . 

IT may be of so much use to you, in the present critical state of things, to 
have with you some person, in the Duke of Wellington’s entire confidence, 
and capable of communicating in His Grace’s name with Individuals whom 
he has personally known, and who are now in the Spanish Government or 
Councils, that Lord Fitzroy Somerset has agreed to undertake a journey to 
Madrid, for the purpose of affording you such assistance. 

He will set off' in the course of next week, and will remain at Madrid as 
long as you think he can be useful to you. 



28 

No. 8. 

Sir William tt- Court to Mr. Secretary Canning. — Received January 2, 

1823. 

(Extract.) Madrid, December 24, 1822. 

MR. JACKSON is arrived, and has delivered to me your Despatches of 
the pth ultimo. 

I am now really inclined to believe that we shall come to an amicable 
and satisfactory termination of our discussions with the Spanish Govern¬ 
ment. 

My conversation with M. San Miguel this morning, began by his pul¬ 
ling from his pocket a large roll of papers, with which, he said, he was 
going down immediately to the Cortes, with the view of requesting autho¬ 
rity from that Body, to settle every question at issue between England and 
Spain. 

“ We are sure of England, he said, and satisfied with Her Position ; and 
We hope that the Cortes will enable us to make Her satisfied with Spain.— 
We cannot expect Her to range herself on our side, nor to send Troops or 
Fleets to assist us ; but we are persuaded that she will never assist our ene¬ 
mies, nor furnish them with the means of invading us. It is moreover so 
much her Interest to prevent War breaking out between us and France, that 
it is quite unnecessary to ask for her Mediation.— There is certainly nothing 
to induce us to ask for such a Mediation at present; but we are at sea, sur¬ 
rounded by dangers, and menaced by storms, and it is impossible to say that 
we may not yet require a friendly hand. But we see nothing yet to make it 
necessary for us to ask any Mediation, nor have we at present any infection 
to solicit one.” - 

I have thought it adviseable, Sir, to repeat to 3*011 this conversation, that } T ou 
may be able to draw from it 3 7 our own conclusion as to the probability of our 
Mediation being solicited.—I am myself of opinion that such a step will never 
be resorted to, till every other hope' has failed : and certainly there is nothing 
in the Despatches from Paris, nor in the conversations or conduct df General 
La Garde, to make this Government despair of avoiding a War without our 
Mediation, 


No. 9. 

Mr. Secretary Caiuiing to Lord Fi/zroy Somerset. 

My Lord, Foreign Office, January 6, 1823 . 

IN returning to your Lordship the Memorandum which the Duke of Wel¬ 
lington has put into your hands, of the points upon which it ma)* be advantage¬ 
ous to the King’s service, that your Lordship should communicate verbally 
his Grace’s sentiments to such of the persons now taking a leading part in, the 
affairs of Spain, as may be likely^ to be influenced by a communication of this 
confidential nature, I have very little to add to the contents of the Memoran¬ 
dum ; and that little relates rather to the mode of ) 7 our acting upon it ; , than 
to the substance of the paper itself. . . . 

Important as the aid which your Lordship will bring to Sir William a 
Court must be, you-will, I am sure, be aware of the absolute necessity of not 
appearing to be invested with any separate mission, which might detract in 
the eyes of the Spanish Ministers from that gentleman's official or .personal 
authority. 



29 


Your Lordship will be so good as to consult Sir William & Court's wishes 
and opinions as to the occasions on which, and as to the persons with whom, 
you should enter upon the topicks entrusted to your discretion ; and you will 
report to him your several conversations, not disguising from the individuals 
with whom those conversations are held, that you are to do so. 

At the same time, however, that you will be thus careful to mark your rela¬ 
tion to his Majesty’s established Minister, it will be essential to avoid creating 
the impression, that the suggestions which your Lordship has to offer on the 
part of the Duke of Wellington, as the friend and well-wisher of Spain, are 
only in another shape demands on the part of your Government. A voluntary 
adoption of the suggestions of the Duke of Wellington would enable us to 
mediate for Spain with France, with an effect infinitely more powerful. But 
we do not, like France, demand any thing of this sort, as the price of our for¬ 
bearance to break with Spain. 

What is necessary to enable us to mediate for Spain with honour, is the 
redress of the grievances which we have against Her. But that matter is in 
Sir William a Court’s hands ; and is, I hope, in a train of settlement. 

With regard to the length of your stay at Madrid, I have only to refer you 
to your own and Sir William a Court’s joint discretion. 

I shall hope to hear from your Lordship soon after your arrival, and as 
often as there is a safe opportunity of writing. 

I have the honour to be. See. 

(Signed) GEORGE CANNING. 
The Right Honourable Lord Fitzroy Somerset. 


(Inclosure in No. 9-J 

Memorandum by the Duke of [Wellington Jor Lord Fitzroy Somerset. 

London , January 6 , 1823. 

IT is important to make the Spaniards feel, that a King being necessary 
for the government of their Country, and a part of their system, as established 
by themselves,—it follows, as a matter of equal necessity, that the powers and 
prerogatives assigned to the King in the system, should be such as to enable 
Him to perform His duties, and such as, in reason, a King ought to be satisfied 
with. 

If the situation of the King is not what it ought to be;—if lie. has not the 
power to protect Himself, and those employed under Him, in the performance 
of their duty in the service of the public ; and if the King has not reason to 
be satisfied that the power allotted to Him by the law is sufficient,—the Country 
will never be in a state of tranquillity, be the system of Government what it 
may. 

There will be perpetual, successive, Royalist Insurrections in one part of 
the Country or the other; and the King and His Government will be objects 
of never ceasing jealousy and distrust. 

The family connection between His Catholick Majesty and the King of 
France,-—and the interest which the latter naturally feels for the welfare of the 
former,—will occasion a perpetual irritation between the twoCountries, so long 
as the situation of the King in Spain is not what it ought to be ; which it 
may be expected will, sooner or later, occasion War, and the invasion of the 
weaker Country. 

Thus, then, those Spaniards w ho really desire the peace and welfare of their 
country, must look to an alteration of their Constitution, which shall have for 
its object, to give the King the power of executing His office. I confess that 
I do not sec any objection to this alteration, either in the antecedent conduct 

I 



30 


of the King, or in the apprehension that His Catholick Majesty will abuse 
the power thus confided to Him. The King will feel the advantages of the 
position in which He shall find Himself, and will have no motive for wishing 
to overthrow the system established, particularly if the alteration is made in 
concert with Him ; and, moreover, the spirit of the people, and the exertions 
of those individuals who have prevented the existing system from being over¬ 
thrown, will preserve that to be established, even though the King should be 
desirous of overthrowing it, by the abuse of the power entrusted to Him. 

This will be the case particularly, if the proposed alterations of the system 
are concerted with the King. Indeed, no other mode of making those altera¬ 
tions can have the desired effect: as, if they are not made in concert with the 
King, his Catholick Majesty will not cordially carry into execution the system 
proposed ; and, both King and People being dissatisfied, there will still be the 
same causes for internal disturbance and for external war as exist at present. 
The concert with the King on the alterations must be a real one: and the 
King must be satisfied, that the Constitution, as altered, will secure the foun¬ 
dations of His power over the executive Government, and will give him the 
means of protecting Himself, His Family, and His Servants. 

Neither do I see anv reason for deferring to make these alterations in the 
recent transactions of Foreign Powers. Those transactions are all professedly 
defensive. France professes, by her Army of Observation, to be defensive; 
and declares that She will not pass the frontier, excepting on the occurrence 
of certain Cases. The alterations of the Constitution, on the principles pro¬ 
posed, would render those cases so improbable, as that the continuance of the 
Army of Observation would be an useless expense.; and there is no doubt 
that it would be immediately withdrawn. 

Then, another advantage which would result from this alteration in aid of 
internal tranquillity is, that France would most probably immediately adopt 
some efficient measure to prevent the assembly of the Royalists within the 
French frontier. All Spaniards who pass the frontier, might be ordered to 
reside at such a distance from the frontier, as to render their intrigues or their 
operations within the Spanish frontier nearly impossible; and thus the 
asylum given in France to persons of this description, would not be inconsistent 
with the peace and tranquillity of Spain. 

But this is not all. The Spaniards must see that all the sources of the 
prosperity of their Country are nearly destroyed ; and that the very foundations 
of social order and government are in a state of risk. There is no trade, no 
private or publick revenue : the national property cannot be sold: the interest 
of the national debt cannot be paid; nor can-the army, or any of the public 
servants or establishments ; and no money can be borrowed. 

I happen to know that the principal monied people in Europe, will not lend 
their money to Spain, till they shall see a system prevail in that Countrv, 
which shall afford some hope of the re-establishment and permanence of peace 
and good order. 

If all this be true—if it be true, besides, that the best chance that Spain has 
of coming to some arrangement with her Colonies, is to be. found in some set¬ 
tlement of her internal dissensions and distractions, it is impossible that any 
reasonable Spaniard can doubt that the time, is come, to effect those alterations, 
which the common sense of mankind points out to be necessary. 


31 


No. 10. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir TTilHam a Court. 

Sir, Foreign Office , January 6 , 1823. 

THIS Despatch will be delivered to you by Lord Fitzroy Somerset, who 
has the goodness to undertake a journey to Madrid, (without any Official 
Character,) in the hope of being useful to you in the very difficult and com¬ 
plicated state of your present negotiations, through his acquaintance with some 
of the prominent characters among military and other publick men in Spain ; 
and through the knowledge which he possesses, and is known to possess, of 
the views and opinions of the Duke of Wellington. 

There may be those among the leaders of the Cortes, or in offices of the 
Executive Government, who would listen to friendly counsels, coming from a 
man to whom Spain is so deeply indebted as the Duke of Wellington, and to 
whom her welfare is naturally so dear, from the very services which he has 
had the glory of rendering to her, though they might turn a deaf ear to any 
other suggestions. 

The object of England is to preserve the Peace, of which her exertions have 
prevented the immediate interruption. But it is much to be feared that Peace 
cannot be preserved, if things remain in their present state, both at Madrid 
and on the frontier of Spain. 

France can hardly be expected to withdraw her Army of Observation, with¬ 
out some assurances from Spain, which she may plead as satisfactory. We 
ask no such assurances for ourselves, and we annex no penalty to the refusing or 
withholding them : but it would enable us to do much, that such assurances 
should voluntarily be given to us ; and perhaps they may be given less re¬ 
luctantly through the confidential friend of the Duke of Wellington, than di¬ 
rectly to yourself, even if you were authorized officially to receive them. The 
interval is precious, and it is hoped that it may not be thrown away. 

I inclose to you a copy of a Letter* which I address to Lord Fitzroy Somer¬ 
set, and of a Memorandum with which he is furnished by the Duke of Wel¬ 
lington. 

You will see that he is to consult your judgment as to the occasions on which, 
and the Individuals with whom, it may be expedient that he should enter into 
communication ; that he will repeat to you whatever passes in such confe¬ 
rences ; and that the length of his stay and the time of his departure are to 
be determined with your advice. 

I am, &c. 

(Signed) GEORGE CANNING. 

The Right Hon. Sir TVm. A' Court, Bart. G. C.B. 

&$c. 8yc. §c. 

* No. 8. and Inclosme therein. 




No. 11. 


Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir JViUiam a Court. 

(Extract-) Foreign Office , Jan. 9, 1823. 

INC LOSED is a copy of an * Official Note which I have received the 
KiugN Commands to address to the French Charge d’Affaires in London, in 
‘j v to the Duke de Montmorency’s answer to the Note of the Duke of 
Wellington of the 1/th ult. which tendered to the French Government the 




32 


Mediation of His Majesty for the adjustment of its differences with Spain.— 
You will communicate my Note to the Spanish Minister. 

Our position between France and Spain is strictly mediatorial, even though 
neither of the two States should (for different reasons) think fit to avail itself 
of our formal Mediation: and though We are not invested with the office. 
We must endeavour practically to perform the duties of it. 

I have received the King’s Commands to signify to you His Majesty’s gra¬ 
cious approbation of the ability, zeal, and perseverance with which you have 
executed the Instructions heretofore confided to you, with respect to the 
Commercial and Maritime Claims of His Majesty’s Subjects,—the settlement 
of which, after so long a course of complaint and remonstrance, will be mainly 
to be attributed to vour exertions. 

The difficulty of the task imposed upon you by the tenour of those Instruc¬ 
tions, contrasted as they are with the more acceptable communications which 
you have subsequently had to make to the Spanish Government, is fully ac¬ 
knowledged ; and your success in reconciling two apparently opposite courses 
of conduct, and producing (as it is hoped you may do) a favourable result in 
both, will be proportionally appreciated by your Government. 

If any thing of personal indisposition towards yourself, shall appear to 
have been excited in the mind of those with whom you have had to nego- 
ciate, from the pertinacity with which you have been directed to press the 
unpleasant topicks of your late Conferences, you will not scruple to set your¬ 
self right, by throwing the whole responsibility upon your Instructions. 

It would have been very desirable indeed, if it had been proper, to qualify 
the unpleasantness of those Instructions, by accompanying them with some 
distinct intimation of the part which the Plenipotentiary of His Majesty was 
taking in Spanish Affairs at Verona : but such an intimation of our separate 
opinion could not be given, in fairness to the Allies, while their deliberations 
yet continued, and while the result of those deliberations was undetermined 
or unknown. 

Now that the whole of our conduct is before the Spanish Government, you 
will assuredly find no difficulty in convincing them of the correctness of both 
parts of it; in shewing them that a determination to vindicate our rights 
against Spain was not incompatible with a respect for Her National Inde¬ 
pendence ; and in availing yourself of the removal of that dissatisfaction, 
which must always have tinged our intercourse with the Spanish Govern¬ 
ment, while our just grievances remained unredressed, to impress upon M. de 
San Miguel our desire to prove, by our Good Offices in Europe, how little 
any feeling of hostility entered into the measures to which we were compelled 
to resort for the defence of our honour and our interests in America. 

* See No. 13, in Verona and Paris Papers. 


No. 12. 

Sir JViUiam a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received Jan. 9 , 1823. 

(Extract.) Madrid, December 2 f), 1822. 

I SAW M. de San Miguel again this morning, who continued to speak 
in the same friendly tone as during our last conference, and repeated his as¬ 
surances that every thing respecting our claims should be arranged to our 
entire satisfaction, provided the Cortes granted him the Faculties he de¬ 
manded.—This I trust will be done. 

In the course of this conference M. de San Miguel said, that he fully un¬ 
derstood our position, and our friendly intentions towards Spain ; which 



33 


arose indeed from a conviction of our own Interests. It never could tally 
with English Policy that France should be in military occupation of Spain. 

lie then added, that from every report which had lately reached him, lie 
did not believe that any War was likely to take place.—-The Congress was 
over, and the Great Continental Sovereigns had retired to their respective 
States, leaving every thing to France : and he had reason to believe that 
France was by no means in those decidedly hostile intentions, which there 
had once been reason to apprehend. 

With respect to the possibility of any future solicitation of British medi¬ 
ation, he gave me to understand that it was a Question of so delicate a na¬ 
ture, and necessarily so dependent upon contingencies, that he wished, at 
present, to say nothing upon the subject. If ever such a solicitation took 
place, it would be done in the most open, frank, and unreserved manner, bv 
an official written Document, which should leave no doubt upon the mind of 
one Party, as to the intentions of the other. 

I shall draw no inferences from this conversation, nor argue upon the pro¬ 
bability or non-probability of our mediation being solicited ; as you. Sir, will 
be much better able to judge correctly of this matter, from the communi¬ 
cations you receive of what is passing in the Cabinet of the Tuileries. 

1 his Despatch will be forwarded by a Spanish Messenger who leaves Ma¬ 
drid for London, either this evening, or to-morrow morning. 


No. 13. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court. 

(Extract.) Foreign Office, Jan. 11 , 1823. 

I WAS about to send this Messenger to you the day before yesterday, with 
my despatch of that date, when yours by the Spanish Mmumt arrived. Messenger 

Its contents, though not conclusive, are highly interesting ; and if the 
hopes which yeu hold out, with respect to the settlement of our Claims, are 
realised, you will have rendered a great service to your Country. 

You have judged quite correctly, in not pressing the Mediation of His 
Majesty. The refusal of the French Government puts any formal exercise 
of it now out of the question. But, substantially, our Good Offices may do 
all that the most regularly accepted Mediation could have done. 

The position in which the Spanish and French Governments stand towards 
each other cannot last. Every day brings with it the hazard of an accidental 
infraction of peace on the frontiers; and the smallest such infraction might 
confound all our hopes and endeavours. Till France shall withdraw her Army 
of Observation, there is no security against such hazards.—France cannot with¬ 
draw her army (it is fair to admit) without some cause to assign for doing 
so. The only cause to be assigned must be some satisfactory assurances .re¬ 
ceived from Spain. Spain may be reluctant to give such assurances to France, 
under the apparent influence of a menace. But she may confide them to Us, 
u'ho neither require them, nor threaten any consequence of witholding them, 
if Spain has griefs against France, she may in like manner confide to Us the 
statement of them, as an inducement to France to be satisfied with less con¬ 
cession. 

Such is the summary of the present state of things, on which depends the 
fearful alternative of Peace or War. We earnestly desire the former; not 
only for our own interest, as M. San Miguel suggests, but for the larger in¬ 
terests of Europe, (those of Spain herself included,) in which ultimately, it 
not immediately, our own no doubt may be involved. 

K 




34 


We wish for Peace therefore in Europe : but Peace for ourselves we are de¬ 
termined at all events to preserve ; and should our efforts to maintain it be¬ 
tween France and Spain prove abortive, We shall have the consolation to have 
discharged the duty towards both, of a faithful and disinterested Ally ; and 
shall retire thenceforth within the limits of a strict Neutrality. 

This last topick you cannot state too clearly, nor press too strongly upon 
M. San Miguel : as there are not wanting those, who may wish to inspire 
him with the notion that the anxiety which we manifest to rescue Spain from 
the War, is an earnest of a determination to join Her in the War, if it should 
come upon Her.—I have discouraged in the most decisive manner some ob¬ 
scure indications of a wish and hope of this kind, in the Spanish Mission in 
this Country. 


No. 14. 

Si?' TVilliam h Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received January 20. 

Sir, Madrid, Janua?'y*J, 1623. 

LONG before, this despatch can reach you, the final determination of the 
Cabinets of Austria, Russia and Prussia, as well as that of the Cabinet of the 
Tuilleries, will have left little doubt on your mind as to the probable issue of 
the Negotiations (if Negotiations they may be called) undertaken with the 
Government here. 

It is therefore unnecessary for me to do more than give a succinct statement 
of events in this Capital, from the period of their arrival to the moment of 
writing this Despatch. 

The French Minister, as might have been foreseen, had the start of his Col¬ 
leagues, having received his letters two or three days earlier than they received 
theirs. He made use of this time to give that favourable impression of the in¬ 
tentions of his . Government, to which his attention appears to have been 
directed by his instructions ; and he had already prepared the Spanish Govern¬ 
ment thoroughly to understand the position in which France had placed Her¬ 
self, long before any intimation could be given, by the Representatives of the 
other Continental Powers, of the intentions of their respective Courts. 

The Spanish Government, thus set comparatively at ease with respect to 
France, and sure of the Neutrality of England, could not be expected to pay 
any very great attention to the vague suggestions of three distant Powers, 
couched in language very far from conciliatory. Instead then of any intimi¬ 
dation being exhibited, or any point being yielded, the tone adopted by the 
Spanish Government has been that of conscious security.—No written answer 
to the several communications has indeed been given; but it has been promised : 
and there is every reason to suppose that, when it arrives, it will be found to 
be in the sense which this feeling would naturally dictate ; and that the depar¬ 
ture of the Austrian, Russian, and Prussian Representatives must necessarily 
follow. The French Minister wiii remain. 

I must do the Spanish Government the justice to say, that, so far as I can 
perceive, It has not assumed any improper manner, or exhibited any extraor¬ 
dinary presumption upon the present occasion. M. de Sail Miguel, indeed, 
in his conversations with me, since the arrival of the Despatches above-men¬ 
tioned, has spoken in a tone of much greater moderation, and has held out 
much greater hopes for the future, than he ever ventured to express before :— 
He more than insinuated that modifications might be effected, whenever the 
Country should be relieved from the danger of Foreign Interference. 

The contents of the Communications made have not yet been sufficiently 
digested by the publick, to allow me to speak with any certainty of the general 



35 




feeling. Upon the whole, however, I do not observe any very great efferves¬ 
cence ; nor do I, as yet, see any reason to fear that any personal insults will 
be offered to the Representatives of the Allied Sovereigns. The town remains 
perfectly tranquil.—1 have done, and shali continue to do, every thing in my 
power to allay the irritation which may exist, and to prevent the adoption of 
violent measures.—The friendly and cordial footing upon which M. San 
Miguel and I now stand, makes me hope that my endeavours will not be 
entirely useless. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

(Signed) WILLIAM a COURT. 


No. 15. 

tSir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received January 20. 

Sir, Madrid , January 10, 1823. 

The Despatches received and communicated to this Government, by the 
Representatives of the Three Continental Powers, were yesterday presented 
and read to the Cortes, by M. de San Miguel, in a publick sitting. Heat, the 
same time read the Answer addressed to the Spanish Minister at Paris, but 
previously communicated to M. Lagarde ; and the Despatches addressed to 
the Spanish Representatives at the Courts of Austria, Russia and Prussia, in 
answer to the Communications made by the respective Charges d’Affaires of 
those Powers residing here. 

The Answer to the French Despatch contains nothing that can be deemed 
offensive. The Answers to the others will probably be considered in that light. 
I inclose a Gazette, containing all those documents, which the immediate 
departure of the Courier will prevent me from getting translated. 

The Cortes exhibited a great degree of temper and moderation. M. M. 
Arguelles and Galiano immediately moved that no discussion should be entered 
into for the moment, but the whole be referred to the Foreign Committee; 
alleging 1 , that a certain time should be given for passion to subside,—it being 
highly desirable that the Members should come to the discussion of so grave 
a subject, with the temper and decorum becoming the Spanish Character and 
Nation. The Papers were consequently referred to the Committee for Foreign 
Affairs, to report upon the same ; and the Committee was also instructed to 
prepare an Address, to be presented by the Cortes to the King, pledging the 
Nation to reject all compromise with Foreign Powers, unbecoming the dig- 
nitv of their Country ; and expressing their determination to die, if necessary, 
in defence of the Constitutional Throne. The Committee was ordered to 
report in forty-eight hours. 

As it was not very generally known that these documents were to be pub- 
lickly read, the House was by no means full. The galleries were disposed to 
be a little riotous, venting their constitutional ardour in repeated cheers, and a 
few ill-supported cries of Death to all Tyrants, &c. &c.” Lipon the whole, 
however, the Sitting may be said to have passed over with order and tran¬ 
quillity. , 

I cannot help thinking, that some of the moderation exhibited, may be due 
to the language which I have uniformly held, as well to M. de San Miguel, as 
to others who have considerable influence. I certainly prevailed in preventing 
Passports from being sent, unasked, to the Three Charges d’Affaires, as was at 
first intended. This is perhaps not gaining much, as they will be immediately 
applied for by them; but still it prevents what might hereafter be construed 
into a fresh ground of offence, on the part of this Government. 



36 


Not to leave any measures untried for the preservation of Peace, I have 
also opened myself in the most unreserved manner to the French Minister, 
offering to co-operate with him by every means in my power for that first of 
objects. Till within these few days, he appeared to be as anxious as myself 
to prevent things from coming to extremities ; but since the arrival of the last 
courier from Paris, I have observed a difference in his tone, which I cannot 
but attribute to fresh instructions. He informed me yesterday, that it would 
be impossible for him after the departure of his Three Colleagues, to allow 
the slightest offence or insolence to pass without immediately demanding his 
passports. The persuasion upon his mind now seems to be, that a War is 
inevitable. 

If the French Government be determined on War, it will certainly be 
impossible for us to prevent it from taking place : yet I have very strong 
reason to believe, that I shall receive from the Spanish Government, 
within forty-eight hours, an application for our Good Offices, (though I fear 
not for our Mediation); and I cannot but hope, that if this be the case, it will 
give a fresh aspect to affairs. If such an application reach me, I shall request 
Mr. Jackson to set off with it immediately for London : but 1 cannot assure 
you positively that it will be made, till I hold the application in my hands. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

(Signed) WILLIAM a COURT. 


No 16. 

Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received January 21. 

Sir, Madrid , January 12, 1823. 

IN my Despatch of the 10th instant, I stated to you that I had reason to 
believe that a Note would shortly be addressed to me, requesting the Good 
Offices of England, with the view to prevent the breaking out of a War be¬ 
tween this Country and France. 

This Note has reached me, and I have the honour to enclose a copy of it 
herewith. I have requested Mr. Jackson to proceed with it directly to Eng¬ 
land ; and have selected him the rather, from the persuasion that no one is 
better qualified to give you verbally those further explanations, which, under 
the present circumstances, I can hardly venture to write. 

If France be pacifically inclined, something may y^.t grow out of this over¬ 
ture, to prevent that recurrence to arms, the consequences of which it is im¬ 
possible to foresee. France may state what She wants, to Great Britain ; who 
may thus become the medium of Her communications with this Govern¬ 
ment, in the event of the departure of Her Minister. This appears to me at 
all events, to be the last hope that remains for the preservation of Peace; and 
therefore, faint as it is, it should not be rejected. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

(Signed) WILLIAM a COURT. 


(Inclosure in No. 1 6 .) 

M. de San Miguel to Sir William a Court. 

Muy Sr. mio, Madrid , 12 de Enero, 1823* 

CON fecha de 9 del corriente, se remitio al Sr. Don Juan Jabat, Ministro 
Plenipoteneiario de S. M. cerca de S. M. Britanica, copia oficial de las ulti- 






37 




mas comunicaciones que habian hecho al Gobierno Espanol por orden de sus 
Cortes, los Representautcs eh esta Capital, de Francia, Austria, Prusia, y 
Rusia, y de las respuestas que se dieron d ellas. Al mismo tiempo se did 
orden al espresado Ministro, dc que leyese la mencionada correspondencia al 
Sr. Secretario de Negocios Estrangeros de S. M. Britanica; y que lc mam- 
festase que los principios y resolucioncs del Gobierno Espanol, no serian 
jamas otros que los consignados cn dichos documentos. 

Poco tendra, en consecuencia, que anadir a V. S. el Gobierno de S. M. 
Catolica en la nota que tengo la honra de dirigirle de R 1 - orden con la gaceta 
adjunta, donde estan copiadas oficial y autenticamente las espresadas comuni¬ 
caciones, que no se remiten a V. S por la brevedad del tiempo. 

V. S. que ha sido testigo ocular de los sucesos ocurridos en esta Corte de 
tres mescs d esta parte, y de las escenas que ha ofrtcido en los trcs ultimos 
dias, podia mejor que nadie informar a su Gobierno de la resolucion en que 
se halla la Espana entera de defender a todo trance la indcpendencia nacional, y 
de no reconocer intervencion por parte de ninguna Potencia estrangera. Es tan 
obvia la justicia de la causa de la nacion, y tan sagrados e imprcscriptibles 
sus derechos a ser independiente, que el Gobierno de S. M. crearia hacer un 
agravio a la ilustracion de V. S. si tratase de insistir en este punto. 

Los defectos que pueda tener la actual Constitucion de Espana, deben ser 
conocidos y remediados por la misma nacion libra y espontaneamente. Lo 
contrario seria establecer un derecho de oprcsion el mas terrible.e insupor- 
table. Los Espanoles estan identificados con la Constitucion promulgada cn 
1312 ; y todos miran al Sr. Don Fernando 7°* como la persona sagrada e in¬ 
violable de su Rey Constitucional; no pudiendo ocultarse a V. S. que el 
respeto profesado al Rey se estiende a las personas de su Real Familia. 

La Espana, invariable en sus principios, aguarda tranquila el resultado de 
las respuestas que se han dado a las comunicaciones de las cuatro grandes Po- 
tencias Continentales ; pero se lisongea, sin embargo, de que no se ensan- 
grentara la Europa por cuestiones que son de suyo evidentes ; y que la 
Francia renunciara d su llamado sistema de precaucion, que sin producirla 
utilidad, ocasiona tantos perjuicios a Espana. 

A la Inglaterra que ha tornado en las conferencias de Verona un caracter 
tan moderado y tan pacifico, pertenece el coronar su obra, y evitar la elusion 
de sangre que no puede producir utilidad d los intereses de ninguna nacion : 
y a ella corresponde hacer ver al mismo tiempo al Gobierno de Francia, el 
error que comete en tomar medidas y precauciones, que no ocasionan sino 
contrarios resultados de los que dice proponerse. La existencia desu ejercito 
de observacion del Pirineo, y la proteccion concedida d los lacciosos, son en- 
teramente incompatibles con el estado de tranquilidad que el Gobierno 
Frances dice desea a Espana. , 

El de S. M. C. apetece que desaparezca tal fatal contradiccion, y de nadie 
se promete mas eficaces resultados sobre el particular, que de la influencia del 
Gabinete de la Gran Bretana, y por lo mismo espera que su ejercicio no se 
negara d este objeto. 

Al tener la honra de hacer d V. S. esta comunicacion, que espero se servira 
elevar a conocimiento de su Gobierno. Aprovecho con gusto esta circunstan- 
cia para renovar a V. S. las seguridades de mi mas distinguida consideracion, 
y rogar a Dios guardc a V. S. m»- a*—-Palacio, 12 de Enero de 1&23. 

B. L. M. de V. S. 

Su mas attento seguro ser dor - 

(Firmado) “ EVARISTO SAN MIGUEL. 


L 



38 


(Translation of Inclosure in No. 1 G.) 
M. dc San Miguel to Sir JTilliam a Court. 


Sir, Madrid\ January 12 , 1823. 

UNDER date of the 9th inst. an Official Copy of the late communications 
which the Representatives of France, Austria, Prussia and Russia at this Court, 
have made to the Spanish Government, by order of their respective Courts, 
together with the answers given to them, was forwarded to Mr. Jabat, Ilis 
Majesty’s Minister Plenipotentiary in London. At the same time orders were 
given to the aforesaid Minister, to read the whole of this correspondence to 
His Britannick Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign affairs, and to declare 
to him, that the principles and resolutions of the Spanish Government would 
never differ from those consigned in these documents. 

, His Catholick Majesty’s Government will, consequently, have but little to 
add in the Note which I have now the honour to address to you, by Royal 
Order, together with the inclosed Gazette; which contains an official and au- 
thentick copy of the communications in question, which are not forwarded to 
you for want of time. 

You, Sir, who have been an eye-witness of the events which have occurred 
in this capital during the last three months, and of the scene which it has pre¬ 
sented during the last three days, can inform your Government better than any 
one else, of the firm determination of all Spain to defend Pier National Inde¬ 
pendence at ail hazards, and never to acknowledge a right of intervention on 
the part of any Foreign Power. The justice of the cause of the Nation is so 
obvious, and its right to be independent so sacred and imprescriptible, that 
His Majesty’s Government w ould think it an affront to your judgment, Sir, to 
dwell any longer upon this point. 

Any defect which the present Constitution of Spain may have, ought to he 
discovered and remedied, freely and spontaneously, by the Nation Itself. The 
contrary would tend to establish a right of the most terrible and insupportable 
oppression. The Spaniards are, at present, identified with the Constitution 
promulgated in 1812.—They all behold in their present Monarch Don Fer¬ 
nando the Seventh, the sacred and inviolable person of their Constitutional 
King; and it cannot be concealed from you, Sir, that this respect professed to 
the King, is extended to all the members of His Royal Family. 

Spain, unvarying in Her principles, awaits calmly, the result of the 
Answers which have been given to the communications of the four Great 
Continental Powers ; but She flatters herself, however, that blood will not he 
shed in Europe, for questions so evident in themselves; and that France will 
lay aside Her System of Precaution, as She calls it, (sti Ham a do sistema tie 
precaueion,) which, without being of the slightest utility to Her, is the source 
of so many evils to Spain. 

To England, who has taken in the conferences at Verona so moderate and 
paciftck a line, it now belongs to crolvn the work ; and to prevent an effusion 
of blood, which can be productive of no possible advantage to the interest of 
any nation. To England too belongs the task of making the French Govern¬ 
ment perceive the error which it is committing, in taking measures and pre¬ 
cautions, which only produce contrary-results to those, which it states itself 
to have in view. 

The existence of its Army of Observation on the Pyrennees, and the oro- 
tcction afforded to the Insurgents, are entirely incompatible with that tranquil¬ 
lity, which the French Government says it wishes Spain to enjoy. 

His Catholick Majesty’s Government hopes that this fatal contradiction will 
at length disappear:—and, in attaining this object, it feels that it can no whpre 


39 


look for more effectual assistance, than from tlie Cabinet of Great Britain, the 
exeieise of whose influence to this effect, will not, it trusts, be denied. 

I beg, Sir, that you will be pleased to lay before your Government, the 
Communication which I have now the honour of making to you, and I 
embrace this opportunity of renewing to you the assurances, &c. &c. 

(Signed) * EVARISTO SAN MIGUEL. 


No. 17 . 


Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir Charles Stuart. 


Sir, 


Foreign Office, January 24, 1823. 


I INCLOSE to your Excellency a copy of a Note* which M. dc Sau 
Miguel, the Spanish Secretary of State, addressed to Sir Willliam A’Court on 
the 12th instant, and requested him to transmit to his Government. 

The object of this Note is, as your Excellency sees, to obtain the Good 
Offices of His Majesty’s Government with France, for the purpose of avert¬ 
ing hostilities. 

It is needless to repeat to your Excellency, how anxiously the King our 
Master deprecates a War between two Powers, whose Collision must so deeply 
affect the general Tranquillity of Europe ; or how confidently Ilis Majesty 
infers from the desire for Peace, so repeatedly expressed by His Most Chris¬ 
tian Majesty’s Government, a disposition on their part to avail themselves of 
every opening for adjustment and explanation with Spain. 

I have therefore received His Majesty’s commands to direct you to request 
an audience of M. de Chauteaubriand,so soon as this Despatch shall reach you ; 
to read to him M. de San Miguel’s Note; and to inform him, that Mr. Jack- 
son (who was the bearer of Sir William i\ Court’s last Despatches, and by whom 
this Despatch will be delivered to you,) will wait at Paris, for the result of 
the deliberations of His Most Christian Majesty’s Cabinet upon M. de San 
Miguel’s Note, in order to convey to Sir William a Court your Excellency’s 
report of that result. 

In your conversation- with M. de Chateaubriand, your Excellency is not to 
over-rate the value of the Concessions, implied, rather than distinctly expres¬ 
sed, in the Note of M. de San Miguel; nor to represent it as completely satis¬ 
factory, and as leaving nothing to be desired :—but it is just and reasonable, 
at the" same time, to consider the circumstances under which it was written. 

Assuredly the more enlightened part of the Government, or of the Cortes, of 
Spain, does'not believe the Spanish Constitution of 1812 to be, in all its parts, 
usefully and permanently practicable. But if there exist imperfections in the 
frame "of the Government of France, or of England respectively, should we 
consent to reform those imperfections, on the demand of a foreign Power, and 
under the menace of a foreign War as the penalty of our refusal ? 

Even by the mode in which the demand was made by Nftmer that part of the 
Sp&nish Government or Nation, which might be willing to undertake those 
ameliorations of the present Constitution of Spain without which It is alleged to 
be unsafe to her neighbours, has been placed in a situation of great difficulty. I s 
it not plain, that the same proposition completely changes its nature, according 
to the manner in which it is brought forward ?—that one, which, if submitted 
through the regular channels of diplomacy, might be matter of wholesome 
advice or amicable remonstrance ; when addressed to a Nation aloud,and in the 
presence, as it were, of all the world, becomes a taunt and a defiance ? The 
publication of the Despatch to M. Lagarde, while it was yet on its road to Ma- 

* See Inclosure in No. 15. 


France 




40 


drid, is, I know, defended by the alleged necessity of tranquillizing the pub- 
lick mind at Paris, Rut if the publick mind at Paris required to be tranquil¬ 
lized, was not the publick mind at Madrid liable to be inflamed? 

Your Excellency will not understand these observations to be made wit* 
any view of inculpating the proceedings of the French Government, wi 
which, abstractedly, we have no concern. 

I would recall M. de Chateaubriand’s attention to the situation in which 
the French Government lias placed itself towards Spain, by the manner in 
which Her first alternative for War has been propounded,—only for the pur¬ 
pose of impressing upon the French Government the necessity of not omitting 
any fresh opportunity, however little promising they may deem it, for again 
stating to Spain the grounds of their dissatisfaction and the nature of 
their demands. 

The French Government desires to assure itself of the safety of the Royal 
Family of Spain, and of a disposition in the leading Members of the Cortes, 
as well as of the Government, to turn to advantage any occasion that may 
occur, or that can be created by a prudent and gradual course of measures, for 
the remedy of the defects in the Spanish Constitutiona channel is now 
opened to the French Government for endeavouring to arrive at those assur¬ 
ances. A precipitate removal of the Royal Family from Madrid—would be 
the instant and infallible consequence of the march of a French Army across 
the Frontier. If the amendments in the Spanish Constitution are abso¬ 
lutely necessary, and it is hopeless to bring about those amendments otherwise 
than by Arms ;—has the French Government chalked out to itself the course 
by which a successful invasion is to be made to lead to the desired result ? 
The occupancy of Madrid, as repeated experience shews, is not the domi¬ 
nion of Spain. The King, and the Cortes, will be established elsewhere, and 
what is then to follow but a continuance of civil and foreign War, spreading 
misery and devastation over the whole Kingdom ? 

These considerations your Excellency will suggest to Monsieur de Chateau¬ 
briand, in a tone of perfect amity and good will ; and with the assurance of 
the most entire persuasion, on the part of His Majesty’s Government, that the 
prosperity and tranquillity of France are objects in which Great Britain has, 
herself, the deepest concern. It is seen and acknowledged here, and acknow¬ 
ledged with no feelings but those of congratulation and satisfaction, that every 
year’s continuance of Peace to France, must consolidate more and more her 
political Institutions, and promote those improvements in her interior condi¬ 
tion and resources, which assure to her the high rank that she holds among 
European Nations. But in proportion as we feel this sentiment sincerely, w-e 
deprecate the fearful experiment of a War, in which there is so little to gain by 
success ; and at a hazard which appears to us as imminent as unnecessary. 

The immediate object however of your interview with M. de Chateaubriand 
is to bring before him the Overture from M. de San Miguel; to offer His 
Majesty’s Minister at Madrid as a channel of communication with the Spanish 
Government; and to assure the French Government of the anxious desire of 
Ilis Majesty, to promote, in that or in any other way. the attainment of such 
a settlement with Spain, as France may deem consistent not only with her 
Safety but her Honour. 

This Despatch will be delivered to your Excellency, I hope, on Sunday ; 
so that you will have an opportunity of communicating to M. de Chateaubriand 
the Spanish Note, the day before the Meeting of the Chambers. 

I trust the new opening which It affords for discussion and possible accom¬ 
modation, may be felt as some relief to the French Government, under the 
difficulties of their present position. I am, &c. 

(Signed) GEORGE CANNING. 


41 





No. 18. 

Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received January 2Q. 

(Extract.) Madrid, January 15,AS23. 

NOTHING of any material importance has occurred since Mr. Jackson 
left Madrid. 

There is a Party labouring hard at the present moment to bring about the 
publication of a general Amnesty. I shall do every thing in my power to 
forward the adoption of this measure, by representing the favourable impres¬ 
sion it will not fail to produce throughout Europe. 



No. 19 

Sir Charles Stuart to Mr. Secretary Canning. — Received, January 26 . 

(Extract.) Paris, January 23, 1823. 

I SAW M. de Chateaubriand yesterday. He told me that the Duke of 
San Lorenzo had communicated to him the instructions which had been laid 
before the Cortes;—that he must admit the moderation with which M. de 
San Lorenzo had spoken, respecting the situation of the two Governments; 
but that a conciliatory tone is assumed by the Agents of Spain, which doe* 
not prevent the adoption of principles the most incompatible with the tran¬ 
quillity of Europe, by the Government and by the Legislature of that Coun¬ 
try ;—that at the moment they admit all the defects of their Constitution, 
their readiness to concur in measures to produce a change, and their wish for 
the publication of a general Amnesty, their societies are the most active in 
their endeavours to organize revolt in France :—in short, that the enormity 
of the evils resulting from War is not to be compared with the consequences 
which must result from the success of intrigues which theFrench Ministers have 
no means of preventing during the continuance of Peace. Without question¬ 
ing the sincerity of the efforts of His Majesty’s Government to maintain 
Peace, he is convinced that it is impossible seriously to press the subject on 
the Spanish Government in sufficient time to lead to the result we desire. 
The language of the French Ministers shows that they would be glad to 
avail themselves of the Publication of an Amnesty, accompanied by any 
Change, however trifling, if brought about by the Authority of The King ot 
Spain, which might enable them to avoid a Declaration of War. 



No. 20. 


Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William cl Court. 

Sir, Foreign Office, January 26 , 1812.3. 

MR. JACKSON arrived here on Tuesday night with your Despatches to 
the 12th of this month; and on Friday that Gentleman was re-despatched 
to Paris with instructions to Sir Charles Stuart, founded on M. San Miguel’s 
Note of the 12th instant, requesting the Good Offices of His Majesty for the 
prevention of War with France. A copy of these Instructions His Excel¬ 
lency is directed to transmit to you by Mr. Jackson, and to apprize you of the 
result of his execution of them. 

Since Mr. Jackson’s departure for Paris, I have received your Despatch of 
the 15 th Instant, and therewith despatches from Sir Charles Stuart, which ap¬ 
pear somewhat more favourable to the preservation of Peace, than, any of the 
late reports from Paris. 

M 








As you will receive by Mr. Jackson intelligence from Paris of five or six 
•days later date, and so much the more important as the Meeting ot the French 
•Chambers will have taken place in the interval, it is useless for me now to 
speculate on events, which will be to you, when this Despatch reaches you, 
matter of positive information. 

I shall therefore at once proceed to state the course which you are to fol¬ 
low in either of the two possible alternatives,—1st. of the Government of 
France having decided for War ;—or 2dly. of Its having consented to avail 
itself of the opening presented by M. San Miguel’s note; and to make known 
through you to the Spanish Government, the conditions on which it may be 
prepared to withdraw its Army of Observation. 

In the former case, you have nothing to do, but to profess anew' His Ma¬ 
jesty’s fixed determination, to maintain during the War a strict and impartial 
Neutrality : always ready at the same time to listen to any call for the renewed 
interposition ot His Good Offices ; if balanced success, or a reviving sense of 
•common danger and mutual interests, shall better incline the contending par¬ 
ties to accommodation. 

In the other case, you will probably receive from Sir Charles Stuart a state¬ 
ment of the terms which the French Government deem indispensable, either 
for their honour or for their safety, in breaking up that system of precaution, 
the continuance of w'hich operates as a bar to pacification : and the time will 
then be arrived, at which you can, without the suspicion of a dictatorial or an 
uncalled-for interference, press earnestly upon M. San Miguel a frank and 
friendly opinion, in support of such of those terms as appear to you to be not 
unreasonable. The Amnesty which, if issued in the King's name, would, as 
it appears from Sir Charles Stuart’s despatch of the 23d. be satisfactory to the 
French Government, it is unnecessary for me to instruct you to urge; since 
you have informed me of your intention to urge it to the utmost of your 
power. Neither you nor the French Government have over-rated the effect 
which such an Act would be likely to produce throughout Europe. 

To liberate the Person and Family of the King not only from danger, but 
from the appearance of restraint,—to give something like force and free-will 
to the actions of the Executive Power—to rescue the deliberations of the Cortes 
from the overawing influence of the Clubs—are, next after the Amnesty (which 
should perhaps precede them all) the alterations the most desirable, and those 
which would give the greatest confidence to Foreign Nations. 

These and any other objects of the same sort and with the same tendency, 
we are now, after the clear and practical proofs which we have given of "our 
indisposition to claim any thing as of right, or to enforce any thing by me¬ 
nace, for the amendment of the Spanish Constitution, warranted to recom¬ 
mend, with all the earnestness which is prompted by our tried friendship for 
the Spanish Nation; by our experience of the practice of free Government • 
and by our conviction of the sufferings and the perils which must be derived 
to Spain and to Europe from a War. 

So long as our voice might have been confounded with those of other 

Powers, who took a different measure of their right of interference,_or with 

that of France, whose exhortation was accompanied with denunciations of 
hostility, we abstained from advising, rather than incur the imputation of 
attempting to controul. But, now that the possibility of such misrepresen¬ 
tations is at an end, we cannot see the obvious dangers into which the present 
course of Spanish affairs is leading a brave and gallant People, and be silent • 
without abandoning the duty which is prescribed, no less by the obligations 
which international Law imposes upon friend!)' States, than by the peculiar 
ties which connect Great Britain with Spain. 

You will keep Sir Charles Stuart constantly informed of the course of your 
discussions with the Spanish Ministers. I am, &c. 

(Signed) GEORGE CANNING. 


43 


No. 21. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William A'Court. 

Sir, Foreign Office , January 28 , 1823 . 

I INCLOSE to you a copy of the Official Answer* from His Most Chris¬ 
tian Majesty’s Secretary of State, to my Note of the 10th instant, a copy of 
which I inclosed to you in my Despatch of the same date. 

This Note was delivered to me yesterday by M. de Marcellus. I cannot 
better explain to you the opinions of His Majesty’s Government upon it, than 
by inclosing to you a copy of a Despatch^ which I this day address to Sir 
Charles Stuart. 

I am, &c. 

(Signed) GEORGE CANNING. 

* No. 14 of the Verona and Paris Papers, 
f No. 15 of the Verona and Paris Papers. 


No. 22. 

Sir Charles Stuart to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received January 30. 

(Extract.) Paris , January 28, 1823. 

I RECEIVED your Despatches of the 24th instant on Sunday evening. I 
immediately called upon M. de Chateaubriand, for the purpose of communi¬ 
cating to His Excellency the Note from M. de San Miguel, under date the 
12th instant; and on the following morning I went over the reasoning con¬ 
tained in your letter, with a view of pointing out to the French Minister, the 
necessity of not closing the door against an overture, which offers the only 
remaining chance of maintaining the tranquillity of Europe. 

The French Minister told me, that the substance of M. de San Miguel’s 
Paper, had already been transmitted to him from Madrid; but that it had 
not been communicated to him sufficiently at length to show that M. de San 
Miguel merely demands the dissolution of .the Army of Observation, without 
holding out any hope whatever of a concession upon points which menace the 
vital tranquillity of this Country; though he must be well aware that, in the 
present situation of affairs, no French Minister would be bold enough to pro¬ 
pose such a measure, unless it should be justified by a corresponding conces¬ 
sion on the part of Spain. 

He added that, under these circumstances, the King is compelled to assume 
a decisive tone in His Discourse to the Legislative Bodies; and that in an¬ 
nouncing the cessation of the Diplomatick Relations between the two Govern¬ 
ments, it is necessary to show that they cannot be re-established until the 
origin of the mischief, with which the Spanish Revolution menaces neigh¬ 
bouring Countries, has been removed; by assimilating their Institutions to 
those of other limited Monarchies, under an Act on the part of the King of 
Spain declaring the Constitution to emanate from the Crown. 

He hoped the anxiety of my Government to maintain Peace would induce 
you to instruct Sir William A’Court to convey these sentiments to the 
knowledge of the Spanish Government; and to impress upon the Ministers 
the expediency of not refusing to admit the only measure of which it is pos 
jdble, in the present situation, to take advantage, with a view to the attain¬ 
ment of that object. 



44 


No. 23. 

Sir Churles-Stuart to Mr. Secretary Canning.-^-Received January 30///. 

• Sir, Paris, January 28, 1823. 

I INCLOSE a printed Copy of the Speech which Ilis Majesty the Kin 
of France pronounced from the Throne upon the assembly ot the Legi§lativ 
Bodies this morning. 

I have the honour to be/ See. 

(Signed) CHARLES STUART, 

The Right Hon. George Canning. 


No. 24. 

Sir Charles Stuart to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received February 2 d. 

(Extract.) Paris, January 30 } 1S23. 

HAVING sent off a messenger on Tuesday, at the moment a printed copv 
of the Speech from the Throfie was put into my hands, I was unable to make 
anv observations upon that subject in my despatch of the samedayr. 

Monsieur de Villele, whom I accidentally met on Tuesday evening, ap¬ 
peared surprized to find that I did not consider the language of the Speech 
perfectly in unison with the tenour of his Excellency’s, former assurances, 
lie said, that the violent alternative, to which the King refers, is mentioned 
in a conditional sense. ■ 

I could not avoid expressing my regret, that this public manifestation of 
demands for such changes in the Spanish Constitution, as the Leaders in that 
Country would hardly be pursuaded to attempt, should not leave His Most 
Christian Majesty the means of receding from the position in which he has 
been placed. 

Notwithstanding the strong evidence of preparations for Hostilities, I find 
both this Minister, and his Colleague, Monsieur de Chateaubriand, continue 
to answer the representation of the consequences which must result from 
a rupture, by assurances that they do not participate in tny uneasiness upon 
the subject, because they yet continue to entertain hopes that War will not 
take pLce. 


-.. — . . . 

No. 25. 

Mr. Secretary Ca?ining to Sir Charles Stuart. 

4?ir, Fjrcign Office, February 3,4823. 

ON the same day on which your Excellency’s Despatches of the 28th, one 
of them inclosing the Speech of the King of France at the Opening of the 
Chambers, arrived here, M. de. Marcellus called upon me foi the purpose of 
communicating a copy of that document. 

. In making this communication, M, de Marcellus took occasion to declare 
the unabated desire of his Government for the preservation of Peace ;• to re¬ 
new in a more precise and formal manner their request of His Majesty's Good 


tc o 




Offices for til at oljjeet; and to express their hopes, that our intervention at 
Madrid might vet avert an extremity, which (it must be confessed) the lan¬ 
guage of the French Speech, unaccompanied by such a commentary, might 
have been understood to announce as unavoidable. 

Such an intimation from the French Ministry, at the moment when the 
decision of the King of France for War is the subject of general regret and 
alarm, places Ilis Majesty’s Government in a situation of great embarrass¬ 
ment ;—an embarrassment which is the more sensibly felt by them, on ac¬ 
count of the necessity of making some disclosure of opinion in the Speech to 
he delivered from the Throne, at the Opening of the Session of Parliament. 
On the one hand, His Majesty’s Government would not willingly cither 
risk the misfortune, or Incur the responsibility, of closing, by any act of 
theirs, the door which the French Government declare to be still open.—On 
the other hand, the sense of the suspensive and conditional particle in the 
Speech of the King of France, on which the possibilities of peace are supposed 
to hang, is so much obscured by the ambiguous character of the condition 
with which it is connected, that it is very difficult to estimate its real value. 

It has become necessary on this occasion, to reconsider maturely the posi¬ 
tion in which Ilis Majesty’s Government stands towards that of France. 

The answer which has uniformly been given by the British Government 
to the questions put by France, as to the course which His Majesty would 
pursue in a war between France and Spain, has been, that no opinion could 
be formed on that point, in the ignorance in which His Majesty’s Govern¬ 
ment were as to the causes of complaint which France might have against 
Spain.—Nothing has even yet been precisely stated to them on that subject. 
General danger from the nature of the present political institutions of Spain; 
—danger to the King and Royal Family of Spain ;—attempts on the part of 
the Spanish Government to corrupt the minds of the French People, and to 
seduce the soldiers of the Army of Observation :—these, coupled with the 
undeniable facts of three or four occasional violations of the French territory, 
^constituted the sum of grievances which have been alleged, at different times, 
against Spain by the French Government, up to the publication of the Speech 
of the King of France. 

In charges such as these, especially when urged (as some of these were at 
Verona) only as the grounds of a system of defensive preparation, His Ma¬ 
jesty’s Government saw nothing which rendered an accommodation hopeless. 
Spain on Her side has, or professes to have, grievances to plead against France, 
of similar intermeddling with Her People and Her Army. She alleges that 
France has encouraged dissension and disaffection at Madrid ; and that She 
even, bv money and other means, fomented and stimulated the tumult of the 
7th of July. 

Such mutual recriminations appeared to the British Government to 
furnish the elements of a discussion, in which something would be to be 
explained on either side ; and in which reconciliation might at last result 
from mutual compromise and concession. 

In this state of things the Mediation of Great Britain was offered; and, un¬ 
der these impressions. Her Good Offices have been employed. The ques¬ 
tion so far turned, principally if not exclusively, upon facts;—there was no 
declaration of principle absolutely precluding negotiation. But as the na¬ 
ture of the present political Institutions of Spain was put forward, as being 
of itself a source of danger to France, and, at the same time, as susceptible 
of modifications by the voluntary act of Spain herself, w hich would remove 
the apprehension of that danger, and consequently open the way to ami¬ 
cable discussion on other points ;—the British Government endeavoured to 
learn from Franee, w hat were the modifications in the Spanish Constitution, 
which would give to France an assurance of safety and tranquillity ; and they 
have not hesitated to advise, at Madrid, an attempt to hying about some such 

N 


45 


/ 


/ 


modifications ; or at least tho declaration of a disposition'to consider of them' 
when the time should be more propitious for a change. 

There is no conclusive reason to apprehend, that, if the influence of British 
counsel had been left to its own operation (considering the weight of the 
authority under which it was offered) it would have been offered in vain. 
Even after the communication to the Spanish Government of the Despatches 
of the Continental Powers, the Spanish Minister expressed distinctly and for¬ 
mally the wish of his Government, for the Good Offices of Great Britain with 
France; and we were not without hope of a favourable answer to the sugges¬ 
tions proposed through Lord Fitzroy Somerset, when we received the Speech 
of the King of France. 

The principle put forward in that Speech, as the basis of the French de¬ 
mands upon Spain, is liable to a double construction. If, as we are desirous 
-of believing, the sentimeut intended to be conveyed is no other, than that, in 
order to give stability to any modification of the present system in Spain, and 
to afford sufficient assurance to France to justify her in discontinuing her war¬ 
like preparations, the King of Spain must be party and freely consenting to 
any such modifications; and if your Excellency shall obtain from the French 
Minister an avowal that such is the intention of the Speech the British Go¬ 
vernment wifi be most happy to continue at Madrid their amicable and earnest 
endeavours, to ascertain the means, and to recommend'the policy, of accom¬ 
modation. 

But it would not be right to conceal from the French Minister, that a 
different construction is generally put upon the paragraph to which I 
refer. It is construed as implying, that the free Institutions of the Spanish 
People can only be legitimately held from the spontaneous gift of the Sovc*- 
reign, first restored to His absolute power, and then divesting Himself of such 
portion of that power as He may think proper to part with. 

The Spanish Nation could not be expected to subscribe to this principle ; 
nor could any British Statesman uphold or defend it. 

We can conscientiously recommend to Spain to modify her Constitution 
of 1812. The Law of Nations warrants the suggestion from one friendly 
Power to another, of counsels for the melioration of internal institutions, 
provided that suggestion be made in good faith, and not in a spirit of 
dictation; and provided it be not attempted to be supported by force. 
But the Biitish Government could not advise any People, in adopting 
changes however beneficial, to admit the principle on which (according to this 
latter construction) the Speech of the King of France would be understood to 
prescribe them. It is indeed a principle which strikes at the root of the 
British Constitution. 

The British Government does not presume to hold out its own political in¬ 
stitutions, as the only practical system of national happiness and freedom.— 
It does not presume to question the freedom and happiness which France 
enjoys under institutions emanating from the will of the Sovereign, and de¬ 
scribed as octroy 6es from the Throne. But it could not countenance a pre¬ 
tension on the part of France to make her example a rule for other Nations ; 
and still less could it admit a peculiar right in France, to force that example 
specifically upon- Spain, in virtue of the consanguinity of the reigning.By- 
nastics of those two kingdoms. This latter reason would, on the contrary, 
suggest recollections and considerations, which must obviously make it. im¬ 
possible for Great Britain to be the advocate of Pretensions founded upon, it.- 

I am, &c. &c. 

(Signed) GEORGE CANNING. 
The Right Hon . Sir Charles Stuart . 

Memorandum. —A Copy ot this Despatch was transmitted to Sir William A’Court on the 4th 
of February. 


No. 26 . 

Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received February b\ 

(Extract.) Madrid, January 21, 1823. 

LORD FITZROY SOMERSET arrived last night. It has given me 
the greatest pleasure that a person so much versed in affairs, and so intimately 
acquainted with every thing and every body in this country, should see with 
his own eyes and report directly to His Majesty’s Government, the real state 
of things here. His arrival has been a very great relief to me. 


No. 2 7 * 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir William a Court. 

(Extract.) Foreign Office, February 9, 1823. 

YOU will have learnt, by the ordinary modes of intelligence, the Opening 
of Parliament, and the reception, in both Houses, of that part of the King’s 
Speech which relates to the present position of France and Spain. 

What impression may be made on the French Government, by this un¬ 
equivocal disclosure or public opinion in England, I cannot pretend to fore¬ 
see ; but it can hardly be other than such, as,—if it were met at the same time 
with any reasonable facility on the part of Spain, which would afford to France 
a retreat without dishonour,—-might lead to a reconsideration of their plans, 
and yet arrest the fatal blow, which is to commence Hostilities. 

I trust, however, that the report which the Spanish Government may re¬ 
ceive of these proceedings, will not lead them into a false security, by inducing 
them to place their hopes of extrication from their difficulties, in a War be¬ 
tween this Country and France. 

Neither the determination nor the means would be wanting, to vindicate, in 
any case that might arise, either our Honour, or our Interests. But this con¬ 
sideration does not affect the immediately impending conflict between France 
and Spain. It is to the prevention of the commencement of the War, that 
the anxiety of the British Government is, at this moment, exclusively di¬ 
rected ; and that it is desirous of directing the deliberations of the Spanish 
Government: and the way to defer the present execution of the project of In¬ 
vasion of Spain is, that Spain should furnish us with some proposition, such 
as We could submit to the French Government, with an earnest appeal to its 
policy, as well as to its justice. 


No. 28. 

Lord Fitzroy Somerset to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received February lb. 

(Extract.) Madrid, January 25, 1823. 

WITH the approbation of Sir William a Court, I communicated to-- 

__on the 22 d instant, the nature of the commission with which I was 

entrusted ; expressing to him my hope that in a matter so materially affecting 
the welfare of his country, I should have the benefit of his assistance and co¬ 
operation. 







4 S 


I informed him that His Majesty’s Government continued to adhere to the 
‘determination on which they had hitherto acted, of not interfering in the 
internal concerns of Spain ; but that, deeply alive to the difficulties of her 
present situation, and most anxious to prevent her rupture with France, they 
had thought proper to trv the effect of a confidential communication, which 
should make known to the leading characters in this Country the sentiments 
of the Duke of Wellington, who, as the friend and well-wisher of Spain, had 
consented to state his opinions, on the necessity of some alteration in the ex¬ 
isting Constitution. 

I, at the same time, begged him to bear in mind, and to impress on those 
with whom I trusted he would communicate, that England demanded nothing 
ot Spain ; that she suggested nothing officially, and that her sole object in 
touching in any way upon so important a question, was the hope that it might 
lead to the adoption of a system, which should put an end to civil dissensions, 
;and lessen the probability of a war with France. 

I afterwards read to him the Duke of Wellington’s Memorandum. 

-vvas evidently a good deal startled at my communication, 

for which he professed himsejf to be quite unprepared ; and heat once declared 
his conviction, that he could not he instrumental in the attainment of the ob¬ 
jects to which I had called his attention. 

He gave the British Government full credit for the conduct they had pur¬ 
sued during the Congress at Verona. He was deeply sensible of the value of 
the Duke of Wellington’s exertions on that occasion, and of his constant so¬ 
licitude to promote the happiness and secure the independence of Spain ; but, 
in the present situation of the country, he could not disguise from me the dif¬ 
ficulty of prevailing upon any party to act upon the suggestions which were 
thrown out for their consideration in the Duke’s Memorandum. 

He acknowledged the defects of the Constitution, and admitted the pro¬ 
priety of taking into consideration the expediency of modifying it hereafter, 
when such a proceeding should not be illegal.— He felt equally with myself 
the imminence of the danger to which the country was exposed, and that War 
was the inevitable consequence of a refusal to modify the Constitution. Such 
a measure being, however, out of the question, the Government had, in his 
opinion, nothing to do, but to await the evil which they could not avert. 

Seeing that my reasoning made no impression upon-and 

that his reluctance to become a party in proposing any alteration in the present 
order of things was not to be overcome, I refrained from pressing him further 
on the subject: having first, however, prevailed upon him, as an act of kind¬ 
ness to me and of duty to his country, to mention to some of the gentlemen 
of the Cortes, in whom he could confide, the nature of the commission with 
which I was charged ; and the reasons which induced the Duke of Welling¬ 
ton to think, that the time was arrived when Spain should make an effort to 
effect such an alteration in her present system ot Government, as might tend 
to put an end to the disturbances of which she is the theatre, and to satisfy 
her Sovereign and his Allies. 

I have found several of my old acquaintances, who are neither in the Cortes, 
nor in any situation of responsibility, very ready to enter into conversation 
with me on the difficulties by which Spain is now surrounded, and on the 
necessity of some Modification of the Constitution. Some, indeed, are cla¬ 
morous for such an amendment, and for the interference of Great Britain ; 
but when asked how the first can be effected, or the latter made available to 
the exigencies of the moment, they are unable to furnish any satisfactory 
reply. 





49 


No. 29. 


Sir »to «jt /o A//*. Secretary Canning.—Received February 13. 

(Extract.) Paris , February 10, 1823. 

AFTER receiving your Despatch of the 3d kistant, I called upon M. de 
Chateaubriand, and held a long conversation with that Minister upon the sub¬ 
ject to which it refers. Without under-rating the effect of Mis Majesty’s GoOd 
Offices to preserve Peace, I found M. de Chateaubriand still extremely prepos¬ 
sessed with the notion, that the tone assumed in the Speech of the King of 
France, is well, calculated to induce the Spaniards to give way; and resolved, 
in spite of all I could say, to ground hopes of.preventing War upon the result 
of that Speech. 

When I questioned Mis Excellency respecting the interpretation of which 
His Most Christian Majesty’s Speech to the Chambers is susceptible, he ad¬ 
mitted that your account of the different constructions which arc put upon 
that discourse, clearly exposes the doubts which have prevailed in the publick 
mind upon that important question. He said, that whatever may be the in¬ 
terpretation which is attached to His Majesty’s expressions, by those who are 
determined to consider all the measures recommended by this Court, to be 
proofs of their desire to re-establish an absolute Government in Spain,—His 
Excellency never can believe that the communications which have taken place 
with the British Cabinet, have been misunderstood to a degree which can autho¬ 
rize such suppositions. He does not hesitate to admit that, “ in order to give 
“ stability to any modification of the present system in Spain, and to afford 
“ sufficient assurance to France to justify Her discontinuing Her warlike pre- 
“ parations, the King of Spain must be a party, and eonsent to such modifi- 
“ cation.” Upon this principle, a change which shall result from a thorough 
understanding between Ilis Catholick Majesty and the Cortes, will be consi¬ 
dered to afford some prospect of the modifications whieh are indispensable to 
the security of neighbouring States. The French Government will not only 
be satisfied with the opening which any act (such as the establishment of 
a Second Chamber,) may offer, to complete, through the intervention of Great 
Britain, the system which is necessary for the Constitutional Government of 
Spain ; but, without waiting for any further proofs of the sincerity of the 
Spanish Government, they will consider any such act as affording reasonable 
grounds for suspending their armaments, and replacing the relations between 
the two Countries upon the footing usual in time of Peace ;—though, since 
he cannot suppose that we consider mere fair assurances to be sufficient, we 
must not be surprized if preparations for War are, in the mean time, carried 
on without intermission. 

M. de Chateaubriand did not enter into any detail respecting the nature 
of the Acts to which he alluded; but I understood him to refer to the pro¬ 
ject of allowing the King the nomination of Councillors of State, and giving 
them a deliberative power, upon a similar principle with that of the Ameri¬ 
can Senate; to which might be added, a regulation fixing the amount of the 
qualification required, to render a Candidate eligible to the Second, or Re¬ 
presentative Chamber. 

With a view to avoid the possibility of any misrepresentation, I have reard 
to M. de Chateaubriand that part of this Despatch, which states the ex¬ 
pectations entertained by the French Government, and have ascertained that 
his ideas are correctly reported. The communication of the same extract to* 
_enables me to say, that it contains notions'which, in the opi¬ 
nion of that gentleman, will be considered admissible in Spain; and which 
may afford sufficient grounds for further communications on the part of Sir 
William A’Court to the Spanish Government. 

* A Spanish Gentleman at Paris, 

o 



50 


No. 30. 

Sir William a Gourt to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received Feb. 13. 

Sir, Madrid, January, 1823. 

THE F rench Minister received two Despatches from M. de Chateaubriand 
by the last Courier, the one to be communicated to M. de San Miguel at the 
same time that he demanded his passports ; the other to be read to him, as 
well as to the King, previous to his departure. 

The first, which has already been communicated, contains little more than 
expressions of regret that the answer of the Spanish Government should 
have been so very unsatisfactory, leaving no other alternative to the French 
Government than of recalling its Legation. 

The second goes more into detail. It states that, after the fruitless efforts 
made by the Representatives of the Continental Powers, as well as by Sir 
William A’Court and Lord Fitzroy Somerset (the last of whom, it must be 
observed, had not left Paris seven days, and was not even arrived at Madrid 
when the French Despatch was written) to engage the Spanish Government to 
listen to the suggestions of reason, and to adopt a line of greater moderation, no 
other course remains to the Government of His Most Christian Majesty than 
that of recalling its Minister from Madrid :—that this is the only step left for 
the maintenance of Peace:—that the Duke of AngoulSme is upon the point 
of placing himself at the head of 100,000 men upon the frontier:—and that 
if the King of Spain, released from his present thraldom, and placed at the 
head of his Army, shall be allowed to advance to the Banks of the Bidassoa, 
in order to treat with Him, a firm and durable Peace may be established be¬ 
tween the two Countries;—the ancient intimate connexion between France 
and Spain restored ; and the Fleets, Armies and Resources of France be 
placed from that moment entirely at the disposal of His Catholic Majesty:— 
That France does not pretend to dictate to Spain the precise modifications she 
ought to adopt in her Constitution; but in order not to expose herself to the 
charge of having intentionally left her wishes unexplained, She declares that 
she will not renew her relations of Amity with this Country, until a system be 
established, with the consent of, and in concert with, the King, assuring alike 
the liberties of the Nation and the just privileges of the Monarch ; and until 
a general Act of Amnesty be passed in favour of every Individual persecuted 
for political offences from the promulgation of the Constitution in 1812, down 
to the present period. 

1 write this from recollection; but I am perfectly certain that, though I 
may not have given in every instance the precise words used, I have in no 
way varied from the meaning. This Paper has already been read by Gene¬ 
ral La Garde to the King; and he will probably communicate its contents to 
M. San Miguel in the course of the morning. 

I have the honour to be, &c. 

(Signed) WILLIAM a COURT. 


No. 31. 

Sir William a Court to Air. Secretary Canning.—Received February l/. 

(Extract.) Madrid , February 4, 1823. 

MR. JACKSON arrived this morning, bringing me several Despatches 
from Sir Charles Stuart, and amongst others, a Copy of his Despatch to you. 



51 


Sir, of the 28th ultimo, detailing his conversation with M. dc Chateau¬ 
briand, after the communication of M. de San Miguel’s Note to me of the 
3 2th January. 

I immediately proceeded to make known the contents of this Despatch to 
M. de San Miguel; being extremely anxious to prevent the adoption ot any 
violent measures, in consequence of the arrival of the King of France’s Speech 
to the Chambers, which reached Madrid last night. 

After I had read the whole to M. de San Miguel (and some parts of it, by 
his own desire, a second time,) he broke out into exclamations against the 
general conduct of the French Government; expressing his conviction that a 
War was inevitable :—He said, that Spain would never admit that the Constitu¬ 
tion emanated from the King, nor recognize any other Sovereignty than that of 
the people :—that a Manifesto was preparing, in which Ilis Majesty would 
speak Ilis Sentiments to Europe, and that these sentiments would be found in 
unison with the Answer which he had lately delivered to the Cortes:—that 
Spain was prepared to repel force by force; and that France would find, that 
the War would be a much more serious undertaking than She seemed at pro 
sent to imagine it would be. 

He requested me to leave him for an hour the copy of Sir Charles 
Stuart’s D espatch. I did not hesitate in.complying with this request, upon 
the condition that it was to be considered as a strictly confidential commu¬ 
nication. 


No. 32. 


Sir TVilliam a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received February 22. 

(Extract.) Madrid , February 7, 1823. 

SIR CHARLES STUART has forwarded to me your Despatch to him, 
inclosing M. de San Miguel’s Note, and a copy of his Despatch to you of the 
30th ultimo. 

I must await your further Instructions, after the receipt of Sir Charles 
Stuart’s Despatch, announcing the manner in which this overture has been 
received by France, before I can venture to advance any further. By Sir 
Charles Stuart’s account, it appears that France has neither quite accepted, 
nor quite declined, our interference; and M. de Chateaubriand’s statement of 
the conditions necessary to the establishment of amicable relations between 
the two Countries, is so extremely vague, that I should really be at a loss to 
inform this Government, if called upon to do so, what are the precise conces¬ 
sions which would ensure the maintenance of Peace. 

I shall, however, not lose sight of the Amnesty, but press it by every ar¬ 
gument in my power. I have some reason to believe that such a measure 
will not be opposed by any Party. One object is already gained, viz. that of 
the shutting up of the Landaburian Society. If this be followed up by a 
General Amnesty, I shall not yet despair of arriving at that first of objects, 
the prevention of a Continental War. 

I had written thus far when I was interrupted by the arrival of M. San 
Miguel. 

M. San Miguel observed, that with respect to modifications, there was nei¬ 
ther a man nor a party in Spain (were the Ministry to be changed a hundred 
times) who would venture to propose their adoption, till the time pointed out 
by the Constitution ; and that, had any hopes been held out to me of an op¬ 
posite nature, I might depend upon it they never would be realized. M. San 
Miguel’s conversation was nevertheless less war-like than I found it a day 
or two ago. He would not, he said, consider all hope of negotiation at an 



52 


end, but still rely for a successful issue from the present difficulties, upon the 
friendship and good offices of England. He was convinced that She might, 
and that She would prevent a War. 

I told him that England had done, and would continue to do, every thing 
in Her power to prevent matters from coming to such extremities ; but my 
evvn opinion was, that War was inevitable, if Spain were really determined 
to admit no modification in Her present Constitutional System. This would 
not prevent our endeavouring to avert such a misfortune by every means 
within our reach, short of involving ourselves in the quarrel; but that I could 
not flatter him with any hope that our efforts would be successful) unless we 
ware enabled to hold out to France, the prospect of some concession on the 
part of this Country. 

A long and desultory conversation followed, which it will be unnecessary 
to repeat; in the course of which, M. San Miguel put very prominently for¬ 
ward, the evident acknowledgement of the intention to establish a permanent 
French Interest in Spain, contained in certain passages of the King of France’s 
Speech to the Chambers. 


No. 33. 

Sir Charles Stuart to Mr. Secretary Canning. — Received 'Feb. 23. 

(Extract.) Paris , February 21, 1823* 

MONSIEUR DE CHATEAUBRIAND said, that he had turned over 
the subject in his own mind, with a view to decide upon what terms it might 
be possible to meet the proposals they might receive ;—and though he could 
not state the result of his reflections to be the expression of the sentiments 
of the French Government,—yet he thought the subject might be-taken into 
consideration, if the Spanish Negotiators should engage at a future period, to 
modify their Constitution ; and, in the mean while, prove their good faith, 
bv restoring the King to his physical Liberty, and allowing Him to frequent 
the Sitios, and to go to Watering Places; by a General Amnesty; by the 
Establishment of Laws to regulate the Press,—and by a change of Ministry ; 
hut that the Military Preparations of the French Government must continue 
without intermission ; and that their Armies will be ready to take the Field, 
if a change in the aspect of Affairs does not contribute to remove the pres¬ 
sure and irritation which prevails on both sides, before the season for active 
operations shall arrive. 



No. 34. 


Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received March 3. 

(Extract) Madrid , February l6, 1823. 

THE Debate upon the subject of the removal of the Seat of Government, 
passed oft' without any thing being elicited from either Party, which could 
give an opening for the discussion of the possibility of an arrangement through 
the Good Offices of England. 

The Extraordinary Cortes will close on the 19th instant, and the Ordinary 
Cortes will assemble on the first day of March. 

The Question of an Amnesty, for all those who shall lay down their arms 
before the entry of a foreign force, was subsequently brought forward, and 
referred to a Committee. An extension of this limited Amnesty, I am assured, 
will be proposed by the Committee, and it ^\vill be recommended that it 







sfepukl Jcnade general. If this be d;>n% and -the propowd be «4<ipieil, *it 
will be a very great point gained. 

Ttee i$, however, but little hape that any ;of those further •concesVioQS w$'l 
be made, which would ensure an -amicable arrangement of the differences 
that exist between this Country and France. Besides which, the putting for¬ 
ward by France of so extravagant a proposition, as that the King, restored to 
IIis foil and absolute .power, shall Uiu^Uf giant a Charter to the Nation, has 
singularly increased the difficulties of the question. The principle upon 
which this proposition is founded, is or.e to which it is evident the British 
Government can never agree ; and consequently if such be the sine qud non 
of France, oar Intervention falls to the ground. 

. .. —■— -- - ————— 


No. 35. 

Sir William A Court to Mr-* Secretary Canning.—Received March 3. 

(Extract.) Madrid, February 18, 1823. 

MY hopes have been grievously disappointed with respect to the Amnesty ; 
v. hich, I was confidently assured, would embrace every political Offence, arid 
every political Offender. But neither by the Committee, nor in the Cortes, 
has the slightest allusion been made to so general a measure, notwithstanding 
the hopes that were held out. The Amnesty voted, is nothing more.than an 
Act of Pardon for any “ Factious,” who rna} lay down their Arms before the 
1 st of April; without any retrospective operation in favour of those already in 
prison, or any allusion to those confined merely for political opinions. It is a 
mere Act of Policy, and by no means an Act of Grace ; nor can it be expected 
to produce that favourable effect in France, which might have been insured 
by a more general measure. 

A Report was circulated a few days since, that the King, with the coVicuf- 
renee of the Council of State, had determined upon a change of Ministers 
From the variety of quarters from whence this Report reached me, I wtUf iif- 
clined to believe that it was not without some foundation, and that His 
Majesty’s intention w as to have requested the Council of State to choose A 
new Ministry for him, selected from their own Body. Alarmed by the Reports 
in circulation, the Ministers obtained from the Cortes this morning, the 
Repeal of the Decree authorizing the employment of Councillors of State, 
with the exception of those already employed.—The Repeal of this Decree, 
though it may not prevent a change of Ministers, effectually pots an end to 
the Administration which it was proposed to form. 

, ...-- - - ! . I- 


No. 36. 


Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received March 3. 

(Extract.) Madrid , February ip, 1823. 

SIR CHARLES STUART’s Secretary arrived last night, bringing me 
your Despatch of the 9th instant *. He also brought me an Extract of Sir 
Charles StLart’s Despatch to you of the loth instant, by which I learn, for 
the first time* the exact concessions which will satisfy France, and engage 
her to put an end to her armaments. What use I shall be able to make of 
these communications, I cannot yet foresee. 


* No. 10. 

P 







54 


The Cortes were closed this morning in the usual form, after which the' 
Ministers tendered their resignations. 

P. S. The Resignations are all accepted, except that of the Minister of 
Finance. The Heads of the several departments are to act as Ministers till a 
new Administration be formed. 


No. 37. 

Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received March 3. 

(Extract.) Madrid , February 20 , 1823. 

HIS Catholick Majesty has been pleased to re-appoint the same Ministers 
ad interim. 

I shall endeavour to see Monsieur de San Miguel to-morrow, in order to 
communicate to him your Despatch of the 9 th instant; and the Propositions 
contained in Sir Charles Stuart’s Letter of the 10 th of February; but I am 
perfectly persuaded that all my efforts will be vain. 


No. 38. 

Sir Charles Stuart to Mr. Secretary Canning .—Received March 9 . 

(Extract.) Paris . March 6 , 1823. 

I CANNOT help thinking that there is in the language of the Ministers 
a more pacifick colour, than I had observed within the last three weeks; 
for both to myself, and to all those with whom they converse, Monsieur 
de Villele and Monsieur de Chateaubriand express their hopes of averting 
a War, with a degree of confidence which induced me to observe to 
the latter Minister, that the insisting upon a direct negotiation between the 
Duke d’Angoul£me and a Spanish Prince, may be a great obstacle to success. 
His Excellency answered, that although this mode of settling the question 
had,been strongly urged, he could assure me the objects of the negotiation are 
too important, not to besought for by the concession, if necessary, of this, or 
of any other mere point of form ; and that if the Spanish Government will 
empower any negotiator to treat, after a change of Ministers at Madrid, he 
shall be able to look forward with confidence to the continuation of Peace. 

I cannot, however, participate in the hopes, which the French Cabinet 
found upon the intelligence they expect to receive from Madrid: I consider 
late events to be the prelude to War. 


No. 39. 

Sir William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received March 13. 

(Extract,) Madrid , February 23, 1823. 

M. 8 an Miguel called on me this morning, for the purpose of exchanging 
the Ratifications of the Articles respecting the Slave Trade. 






55 


Having gone through that ceremony, I informed him that I had communi¬ 
cations of some importance to make to him, which the troubled state of the 
Capital for several days past, and my own continued indisposition, had pre¬ 
vented me from submitting to his consideration at an earlier period. 

Having thus drawn his attention to what I was about to say, I produced 
your despatch of the 9th February, and an Extract from Sir Charles Stuart’s 
despatch to you, of the 10th February; and proceeded to read to him those 
parts of each which 1 thought the most calculated to produce a favourable 
effect, accompanying my reading with such remarks as the nature of the com¬ 
munication required. 

M. de San Miguel listened with the greatest attention; but as soon as I had 
concluded, observed, that the British Government was labouring under a de¬ 
lusion, in supposing any sort of modification possible. It would be a much 
easier thing to overturn the whole Constitutional System, and to re-establish 
absolute Despotism, than to concede even the most insignificant of the points 
which had been pointed out as the most likely to conciliate. 

He was fully aware that England asked no modifications on Her own ac¬ 
count. He knew that We wished to preserve to Spain Her Constitutional 
System; that our only object in trying to engage Her to yield upon certain 
points, was the conviction that if a War did break out, We must be, sooner or 
later, involved in it ourselves. He knew very well that We should not declare 
in favour of Spain at first; but nobody could be so blind as not to see, that, if 
the War was protracted, and other Powers took part in it, England alone could 
not remain a passive spectator of what might be its results. 


No. 40. 

Sir William h Court to Mr. Secretary Canning—Received March 16 . 

(Extract.) Madrid , March 5. 1823. 

A SPANISH Gentleman at Paris has written from Paris to - 

_ y that the French Government has declared that it will suspend 

hostilities if a general Amnesty be granted, a verbal promise of Modifica¬ 
tions hereafter be given, a change of Ministers take place, and the King be 
permitted to go to the Waters of Sacedon. 

That the Negotiation must be carried on at Paris through the Mediation 

of the British Ambassador;-quotes Sir Charles Stuart 

as his authority, and refers his friends to me for further information. 

Now I have heard nothing from Sir Charles Stuart since the 20th ult. 
when he still referred me to his Despatch to you of the 10th of February, as 
containing the final determination of the French Government. That deter¬ 
mination is very widely different from the arrang'ment alluded to by - 


No. 41. •' 

Sh William a Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.-—Received March 18 at night. 

(Extract.) Madrid, March 9, 1823. 

1 SAW Monsieur de San Miguel this morning, and to my great astonish¬ 
ment, he asked me what were the precise Conditions required by France, in 
case any questions should be asked him in Cortes. I repeated to him the 












Conditions stated in Sir Charles Sta^rt'fc J^espjiteh of the JOtii jFcbruarv, and 
those (hardly to !K? consn!e:ydoJicjai) contained in the same. Axiibassa^Qr'.s 
Despatch of the'21st Fefbruar^ and ; according to liis request I sent him, 
upon my return home, an Extract'.from the Despatch of the 10th February. 
What is in agitation I kqow not. 1 —lie tpld me bc.sbo.uld say nothing npon the 
subject, .unless call'd upon by the Cortes; and that if any negotiations were 
entered into, he would not he tHc person to negotiate. 

I should only mislead you if I were to attempt to give any explanation of 
this singular conversation. 

■ 

No. .42. 

Sir fFtUiam & Court to Mr. Secretary Canning.—Received March 25 . 

(Extract.) A/adrid f March 11, 1823. 

IN a few hurried lines, written as the last Courier was setting off, I com¬ 
municated to you a singular conversation which had passed between M. de 
San ^Eguel and myself. 

I forbore jty express any opinion . upon this c.onversatiojn ; but whatever 
hopes some of his expressions were calculated to excite, are now entirely at 
an end. 


No. 43. 

Mr. Secretary Canning to Sir Charles Stuart. 

Sir, Foreign Office, March 31, 1823. 

THE hopes of an accommodation between France and Spain, which His 
Majesty has so long been encouraged to cherish in despite of all unfavourable 
appearances, being now unhappily extinguished, I am commanded by His 
Majesty to address to your Excellency, for the purpose of being communi¬ 
cated to the French Minister, the following explanation of the sentiments of 
your Government upon the present posture of affairs between those two 
Kingdoms. 

The King has exhausted Jlis endeavours to preserve the Peace of Europe. 

The question of an interference in the internal concerns of Spain, on ac¬ 
count of the troubles and distractions which have for some time prevailed in 
that Kingdom, was not one on which His Majesty could, for Himself, enter¬ 
tain a moment’s hesitation. If His Majesty’s Plenipotentiary at Verona did 
not decline taking part in the deliberations of the Allied Cabinets upon that 
question, it was because His Majesty owed to His Allies, upon that as upon 
every other subject, a sincere declaration of His opinions : and because He 
hoped that a friendly and unreserved communication might tend to the pre¬ 
servation of general Peace. 

The nature of the apprehensions which had induced the King of France to 
assemble an Army, within Ilis own frontier, upon the borders of Spain, had 
been indicated, in the first instance, by the designation of the “ Cordon Sani- 
tajre.” The change of that designation to that of an “ Army of Observation” 
(which took place in the month of September last) did not appear to His Majesty 
to imply more, than that the defensive system originally opposed to the con¬ 
tagion of physical disease, would be continued against the possible inconvc.- 


* See No 33, a Copy of which was received by Sir William a Court, subsequently to his Letter 
of the 5th March. 




57 


nienccs, moral or political, which might arise to France, from a civil contest 
raging- in a Country separated from the French territory only by a conven¬ 
tional line of demarcation. The dangers naturally incident to an unrestrained 
intercourse between two Countries so situated towards each other;—the dan¬ 
gers of political- intrigue, or of occasional violation of territory, might suffi¬ 
ciently justify preparations of military defence. 

Such was the state of things between France and Spain at the opening of 
the Congress at Verona. The propositions brought forward by the French 
Plenipotentiary in the Conferences of the Allied Cabinets, were founded on 
this state of things. Those propositions did not relate to any project of car¬ 
rying attack into the heart of the Spanish Monarchy, but were in the nature 
of inquiries: 1st, what countenance France might expect to receive from the 
Allies, if She should find Herself under the nececsity of breaking off diplor 
matick intercourse with the Court of Madrid ? and, 2dly, what assistance, in 
supposed Cases of outrage to be committed, or of violence to be menaced, by 
Spain ? These Cases were all contingent and precautionary. The Answers 
of the three Continental Powers were of a correspondent character. 

The result of the discussions at Verona, was a determination of His Majes¬ 
ty’s Allies, the Emperors of Austria and Russia and the King of Prussia - 
1st. To make known to the Cabinet of Madrid, through their respective Mi¬ 
nisters at that Court, their sentiments upon the necessity of a change in the 
present system of the Spanish Government; and, in the event of an unsatis¬ 
factory answer to that communication, to recall their respective Ministers; 
and to break off all diplomatick intercourse with Spain. 2dly. To make 
common cause with Fiance against Spain, in certain specified Cases ; Cases, 
as has been already observed, altogether contingent and precautionary.— 

Plis Majesty’s Plenipotentiary declined concurring in these measures; not 
only because he was unauthorized to pledge the faith of his Government to any 
hypothetical engagement, but because his Government had, from the month 
of April 1820, uniformly recommended to the Powers of the Alliance, to abstain 
from all interference in the internal affairs of Spain ; and because, having been 
from the same period, entirely unacquainted with whatever transactions 
might have taken place between France and Spain, his Government could 
not judge, on what grounds the Cabinet of the Tuileries meditated a possible 
discontinuance of diplomatick relations with the Court of Madrid; or on 
what grounds they apprehended an occurrence, apparently so improbable, as 
a commencement of hostilities against France by Spain. 

No proof was produced to His Majesty’s Plenipotentiary of the existence of 
any design on the part of the Spanish Government, to invade the territory of 
France ;—of any attempt to introduce disaffection among her Soldiery ;—or 
of any project to undermine her political institutions: and so long as the 
struggles and disturbances of Spain should be confined within the circle of 
her own Territory, they could not be admitted by the British Government 
to afford any plea for foreign interference. If the end of the last, and the be¬ 
ginning of the present century saw all Europe combined against France, it 
was not on account of the internal changes which France thought necessary 
for her own political and civil reformation; but because She attempted to pro¬ 
pagate, first her principles, and afterwards her dominion, by the sword. 

Impossible as it was for Ilis Majesty to be party to the measures concerted 
at Verona with respect to Spain, Ilis Majesty’s Plenipotentiary declared, that 
the British Government could only endeavour through His Majesty’s Minister 
at the Court of the Catholick King, “ to allay the ferment which those mea- 
44 sures might occasion at Madrid, and to do all the good in His power.” 

Up to this period no communication had taken place between His Majesty 
and the Court of Madrid’ as to the discussions at Verona. But about the 
time of the arrival of His Majesty’s Plenipotentiary, oii his return from Ve- 

Q 


rona, at J?ajL*is, Spain expressed a desire for the “friendly interposition,” of Ilis 
Majesty, to avert the calamities of War. Spain distinctly limited this desire to 
the employment of such “Good Offices,” pn the part of Great Britam, as would 
not be inconsistent with “the most strictly conceived system of Neutrality.”— 
Nor has any period occurred, throughout the whole of the intercourse of,the 
.British Government with Spain, at which the Spanish Government has been 
for one moment led, by that of Great Britain, to believe, that the policy of 
His Majesty, in a contest between France and Spain, would be other than 
neutral. 

In pursuance of this requesi, and of his previous declaration at Verona, His 
Majesty’s Plenipotentiary received instructions at Paris, to make to the French 
Government the offer ot His Majesty’s Mediation. In making this offer, the 
British Government deprecated, from motives of expediency as well as from 
considerations of justice, the employment towards Spain of a language of re¬ 
proach or of intimidation. They represented as matter of no light moment, 
the first breach, by whatever Power, of that general pacific Settlement which 
had been so recently established, and at the cost of so many sufferings and sa¬ 
crifices to all Nations. Nor did they disguise from the French Government, the 
anxiety with which they looked forward to all the possible issues of a new 
War in Europe, if once begun. 

In. addition to suggestions such as these, the British Government endea¬ 
voured to learn from the Cabinet of the Tuilleries, the nature and amount of 
the. spccifick grievances, of which Iiis Most Christian Majesty complained, 
against Spain ; and of such specifick measures of redress or conciliation on 
the part of Spain, as would arrest the progress of His Most Christian Ma¬ 
jesty’s warlike preparations. 

The French Government declined the formal Mediation of Hi? Majesty; al¬ 
leging, in substance, that the necessity of its warlike-preparations was founded, 
not so much upon any direct cause of complaint against Spain, which might be 
susceptible of accurate specification and of practical adjustment, as. upon the 
general position in which the two Kingdoms found themselves placed towards 
each other;—upon the effect which all that was passing and had been for 
some time passing in Spain* produced upon the peace and tranquillity of His 
Most Christian Majesty’s dominions;—upon the burdensomenoss of that dc* 
fensive armament which France had thought herself obliged to establish on her 
frontier towards Spain, and which it was alike inconvenient to her to maintain, 
or, without some change of circumstances which would justify such change of 
counsel, to withdraw ;—upon a state of things in short, which it was easier to 
understand than to define ; but which, taken altogether, v/as so intolerable to 
France, that open hostility would be far preferable to it.—War would at least 
have a tendency to some conclusion ; whereas the existing state of the rela¬ 
tions between France and Spain might continue for an indefinite time; irt-J- 
creasing every day the difficulties of Spain, and propagating disquietude and 
alarm throughout the French Army and Nation. 

But although His Most Christian Majesty’s Government declined on 
these grounds, a formal Mediation, they professed an earnest desire for 
Peace, and accepted His Majesty’s' “ Good Offices” with Spain for that 
object. 

Contemplating all the mischiefs which War might-inflict upon France, and 
through France ultimately perhaps upon all Europe; and which it must inflict, 
more immediately and inevitably, upon Spain,—whose internal animosities 
and agitations a foreign War could not but exasperate and prolong,—the 
British Government was deeply impressed with the necessity of Peace for both 
Kingdoms ; and resolved, therefore, whether invested or not with the formal 
Chaiaefer of Mediator, to make every effort, and.to avail itself of every chance, 
foy the,gr£yejitipn of.hostilities. The question ,was-.now /become a question 
simply au4, entijciy;between Spain and France-,: and- the practical point of 



inquiry was not So milch how the. relations of those two Governments had 
been brought into their present awkward, complication ; as how that compli¬ 
cation could be solved, without recourse to arms, and an amicable adjustment 
produced, through mutual explanation and concession. 

Nothing could have induced His Majesty to suggest to.the Spanish Nation a 
• revision of its political institutions, ag the price of fiis Majesty’s Friendship. 
?$ut Spaniards, of all parties and descriptions, admitted some modifications of 
the Constitution of 1812’, fo be indispensably necessary: and it in such a 
crisis as that jn which Spain now tound.herself,—distracted at,once by the 
miseries of civil war, and by the apprehension of foreign invasion,—the adop¬ 
tion of modifications; so admitted to be desirable in themselves, might afford a 
prdspact of composing her internal dissensions, and might at the same time 
furnish to tile French Governrrient*.a motive for withdrawing f;rom the menac¬ 
ing positio'ii which' it had assumed towards Spain, the British Government felt 
that no scruple of delicacy, or fear of misconstruction, ought to restrain them 
from avowing an earnest wish, that the Spaniards could prevail upon them- 
sblves to consider of such modifications, or, at least, to declare their disposi¬ 
tion to consider of them hereafter. 

It is useless now to discuss what might have-been the result of His Ma¬ 
jesty’s anxious endeavours to bring about an accommodation between France 
and Spain, if nothing had occurred to interrupt their progress. Whatever 
might be the indisposition of the Spanish Government to take the first step 
towards such ail accommodation, it cannot be disguised, that the principles 
avowed and the pretensions put forward by the French Government, in the 
Speech from the Throne at the Opening of the Chambers at Paris, created new 
obstacles to the success of friendly intervention. The communication of that 
Speech to the British Government was accompanied, indeed, with renewed as¬ 
surances of the pacifick disposition of France; and the French Ministers 
adopted a construction of the passage most likely to create an unfavourable 
impression in Spain, which stripped it of apart of its objectionable character. 
But all the attempts of the British Government to give effect at Madrid to such 
assurances and explanations, proved unavailing. The hopes of success be¬ 
came gradually fainter : and have now vanished altogether. 

It remains only to describe the Conduct which it is His Majesty’s desire 
and intention to observe, in a conflict between two Nations, to each of whom 
Ills Majesty is bound by the ties of Amity and Alliance. 

The repeated disavowal, by His Most Christian Majesty’s Government, of 
all views of ambition and aggrandisement, forbids the suspicion of anv design 
on the part of France, to establish a permanent military occupation of Spain ; 
or to force His Catholick Majesty into any’measures, derogatory to the inde¬ 
pendence of his Crown, or to his existing relations with other Powers. 

The repeated assurances which His Majesty has received, of the determina¬ 
tion of France to respect the dominions of His Most Faithful Majesty, relieve 
His Majesty from any apprehension of being called upon to fulfil the obli¬ 
gations of that intimate defensive Connection, which has so long subsisted 
between the Crowns of* Great Britain and Portugal. 

With respect to the Provinces in America, which have thrown off their alle¬ 
giance to the Crown of Spain, time and the course of events appear to 
iiave substantially decided their separation from the Mother Country; 
although the formal recognition of those Provinces, as Independent States, 
by His Majesty, may be hastened or retarded by various external circum¬ 
stances, as well as by the more or less satisfactory progress, in each State, 
towards a regular and settled form of Government. Spain has long been ap¬ 
prised of His Majesty’s opinions upon this subject. Disclaiming in the most 
solemn manner any intention of appropriating to Himself the smallest portion 
of the late Spanish possessions in America, His Majesty is satisfied that no at- 




tempt will be made by France, to'bring under her dominion any of those 
possessions, either by conquest, or by cession, from Spain. 

This frank explanation upon the points on which perhaps alone the possibi¬ 
lity of any collision of France with Great Britain can be apprehended in a 
War between France and Spain, your Excellency will represent to M. de 
Chateaubriand, as dictated by an earnest desire to be enabled to preserve., in 
that War, a strict and undeviating Neutrality; a Neutrality not liable to 
alteration towards either Party, so long as the Honour and just Interests of 
Great Britain are equally respected by both. 

I am commanded, in conclusion, to direct your Excellency to declare to 
the French Minister, that His Majesty will be at all times ready to renew the 
interposition of His Good Offices, for the purpose of terminating those Hos¬ 
tilities, which His Majesty has so anxiously, although ineffectually, endea¬ 
voured to avert. 

I am, &c. 

(Signed) GEORGE CANNING. 

Ills Excellency the lit. Hon. Sir Charles Stuart, G. C. B. 

£)C. 8$c. Sfc, 




Printed by R. G. Clarke, at the London Gazette-Office, Westminster. 




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